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Purchased    by  the 
Mrs.    Roberi:   Lenox    Kennedy  Church   History  Fund. 


BR  1390  .H65  1898 
Holme,  Leonard  Ralph. 
The  extinction  of  the 
Christian  churches  in  Nortt 


THE   EXTINCTION 


OF  THE 


CHRISTIAN    CHUECHES 


IK 


NORTH  AFRICA. 


eTambriligc : 

PRINTED    BY    J.    &    C.    F.    CLAY, 
AT   THE    UNIVERSITY    PRESS. 


THE   EXTINCTION 


OF    THE 


CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES 


IN 


NORTH  AFRICA. 

HULSEAN   PRIZE    ESSAY,    1895. 


BY 

y 

L.   R.   HOLME,   B.A., 

FORMERLY    SCHOLAR    OF   JESUS    COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE; 

LECTURER   ON    POLITICAL  SCIENCE,   ECONOMICS,    ETC.,   IN   THE   UNIVERSITY 

OF    bishop's    COLLEGE,    LENNOXVILLE,    P.Q.    C.VNADA. 


IlouDon: 

C.   J.    CLAY   AND   SONS, 

CAMBRIDGE    UNIVERSITY   PRESS   WAREHOUSE, 

AVE    MARIA   LANE. 

1898 
[J//  liights  reserved.] 


I 


PREFACE. 


N  breaking  ground  almost  untrodden  by  modern 
writers  I  have  met  with  many  difficulties,  especially 
in  finding  sources  of  information.  In  overcoming  these 
I  have  to  acknowledge  much  kind  assistance,  without 
which  indeed  this  essay  could  never  have  been  under- 
taken or  brought  to  a  conclusion.  Mr  Thomas  Hodgkin, 
D.C.L.,  and  the  late  Comte  de  Mas  Latrie  both  shewed 
the  utmost  kindness  in  answering  the  letters  of  a 
beginner  in  the  art  of  which  they  were  masters.  The 
Rev.  H.  B.  Swete,  D.D.,  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity 
in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  was  kind  enough  to 
give  much  valuable  advice  and  the  Rev.  W.  Cunning- 
ham, D.D.,  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  Mr  James 
Kennedy  of  the  East  India  Club,  referred  me  to  in- 
formation I  should  not  otherwise  have  obtained. 

The  Rev.  Professor  Parrock,  M.A.,  of  the  University 
of  Bishop's  College,  Lennoxville,  Province  <.f  Quebec, 
and  my  brother  Mr  T.  W.  Holme  of  New  College,  Oxford 


VI  PREFACE. 

have  also  examined  authorities  which  were  beyond  my 
reach. 

I  must  also  especially  thank  the  Rev.  Abbe  La- 
flamme,  Rector  of  Laval  University,  Quebec,  for 
allowing  me  the  use  of  the  University  Library  for 
an  extended  period  during  my  residence  in  Quebec. 

But  above  all  I  have  to  thank  the  Rev.  F.  J.  Foakes 
Jackson,  M.A.,  Fellow^  and  Dean  of  my  own  College. 
Without  his  kind  encouragement  I  should  never  have 
entered  upon  this  subject,  and,  when  my  absence  from 
England  prevented  the  proper  consultation  of  authori- 
ties, he  rendered  me  every  assistance  in  his  power. 
Finally  he  undertook  the  revision  of  the  essay  and 
at  the  cost  of  great  labour  to  himself  has  most  kindly 
prepared  it  for  the  press. 

Bishop's  College, 
Lennoxville,  P.Q.,  Canada, 
June,  1898. 


CONTENTS. 


Chapter  I.  Introduction  .... 

Chapter  II.         The  African  Church  to  398  a.d. 

Chapter  III.        The   Golden   Age  of  the  African 
Church        .... 

Chapter  IV.        The  Rise  of  the  Vandals 

Chapter  V.  The  Reign  of  Hunneric  . 

Chapter  VI.         The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Vandal 

Chapter  VII.       From  Justinian  to  the  Saracens 

Chapter  VIII.     The  End  of  African  Christianity 

Chapter  IX.        Conclusion     .... 

Authors  and  Works  Quoted     .... 

Index        

Map 


PAGE 
1—21 

22— r)3 


54—75 
76—118 
119—147 
148—167 
168—210 
211—242 
243—255 
257—259 
261—263 


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THE    EXTINCTION 

OF    THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES 

IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Introduction. 

The  problem  presented  by  the  decline  and  fall  of 
the  Churches  of  North  Africa  is  at  once  most  in- 
teresting and  most  difficult.  It  is  interesting  because 
the  Church  of  Carthage,  formerly  the  most  flourishing, 
the  most  earnest,  and  the  most  enlightened  of  all  the 
communions  of  the  world,  has  to-day  perished  and 
hardly  left  a  trace  behind.  Yet  it  met  with  no  trials 
that  other  Churches  did  not  successfully  overcome. 
The  Copts,  the  Abyssinians,  the  Armenians,  the 
Spaniards  were  all  subdued  by  the  Saracens,  and  yet 
all  preserved  their  taith,  even  though  in  a  debased 
form.  The  Africans,  also,  at  one  time  seemed  to  be 
far  more  likely  than  these  to  withstand  the  attacks 
of  the  infidel.  No  one  could  accuse  them  of  luke- 
warmness ;  their  earnestness  was  almost  fanatical  and 
led  them  into  dangers  unknown  to  the  careless.  On 
H.  1 


2       THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

the  other  hand  heresy  never  attracted  the  Africans.  If 
Pelagianism  for  a  time  gained  some  foothold,  St  Angus- 
tine  rooted  it  out ;  if  Manichaeism  had  its  votaries,  they 
did  not  get  much  power;  and  on  the  whole  no  Church  was 
more  orthodox  than  that  of  Carthage.  In  the  fifth 
century  the  Pelagians,  in  the  seventh  the  Monothelites 
were  opposed  by  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  and 
when  the  controversy  of  the  "  Three  Chapters  "  arose 
the  doughtiest  champions  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon 
came  from  North  Africa.  Schism  was  indeed  the 
great  foe  of  the  African  Christians ;  but  their  prone- 
ness  to  schism  attests  the  earnestness  of  their  belief. 

Moreover  not  only  did  Carthage  escape  many  of 
the  dangers  which  beset  other  communions;  it  conferred 
many  great  benefits  upon  them.  The  effect  of  the 
work  or  writings  of  such  men  as  Tertullian,  Cyprian, 
Lactantius  and  Arnobius  was  not  confined  to  the  African 
church,  but  was  coextensive  with  Christianity.  Momm- 
sen  and  Milman  both  bear  witness  to  the  important 
part  that  the  Church  in  Africa  played  in  forming  the 
received  docrine  of  the  Catholic  Church.  In  his 
'  Roman  Provinces,'  the  great  German  scholar  says\ 
"  In  the  development  of  Christianity,  Africa  plays  the 
first  part ;  if  it  arose  in  Syria,  it  was  in  and  through 
Africa  that  it  became  the  religion  of  the  world."  Dean 
Milman  adds  his  testimony^ ; — "  Africa,  not  Rome,  gave 
birth  to  Latin  Christianity.  Tertullian  was  the  first 
Latin  writer,  at  least  the  first  who  commanded  the 
public  ear;  and  there  is  strong  ground  for  supposing 
that,  since  Tertullian  quotes  the  sacred  writings  per- 
petually and  copiously,  the  earliest  of  those  many 
1  Vol.  II.  p.  343  {Eng.  Trans.).  ^  LatiJi  Christianity,  i.  35. 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

Latin  versions  noticed  by  Augustine  and  on  which 
Jerome  grounded  his  Vulgate  were  African.  Cyprian 
kept  up  the  tradition  of  ecclesiastical  Latin.  Arnobius, 
too,  was  an  African." 

Yet  this   Church   has  perished  so  completely  that 
the  very  causes  of  its  ruin  have  disappeared.     For  the 
great   wave   of  the   Mahommedan  invasion    of  Africa 
swept  away  in   its    course   every   record    (jf  the   last 
centuries  of  Roman  rule,  and  after  Procopius  no  contem- 
porary historian  seems  to  have  dealt  expressly  with  the 
affairs  of  the  Province.     Only  most  careful  research  is 
able  to  discover  the  faintest  indications  as  to  the  real 
state  of  the  African  Church  after  the   re-conquest  of 
the  province  under  Justinian.     The  historian  of  to-day 
must  piece  his  story  together  from   the  most  diverse 
sources ;  he  must  find  the  few^   facts  recorded  by  the 
Latin  annalists ;    he  must  seek  for  chance  references 
in  contemporary  literature ;  and  he  must  welcome  as 
important  evidence  admonitions  addressed  by  the  Popes 
to  this  portion  of  their  flock.    The  political  events  of  the 
time,  and  especially  the  Arabic  accounts  of  the  Moslem 
victories,   will   throw   some   light    on    the   fate   of  the 
Church,  and  something  may  be  learned  from  the  monu- 
ments and   inscriptions  that  remain.      But   when   all 
has  been   found  that  can  be  found  and  every  particle 
of  information   has  been  collected,  the  result  will  be 
meagi'e  in  the  extreme.     It  will  be  even  impossible  to 
draw  up  a  complete  list  of  the  Primates  of  Carthage 
and  only  a  guess  at  most  can  be  hazarded  at  the  true 
cause  of  the  disappearance  of  African  Christianity.     It 
will  seem  that  the  Church  perished  because  it  was  the 
Church,  not  of  the  native  population,  but  of  the  alien 

1—2 


4        THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

conquerors.  If  it  took  deep  root  it  was  not  amongst 
the  indigenous  peoples  of  N.-W.  Africa,  but  amongst 
the  foreign  immigrants  and  Roman  officials.  In  fact, 
if  a  Christian  country  can  be  defined  as  a  country  in 
which  the  natives  are  converted,  Africa  was  not  Chris- 
tian ;  just  as  at  the  present  day  the  Christianity  of 
British  India  hardly  extends  beyond  the  European 
population,  so  in  the  Province  the  number  of  converted 
Berbers,  though  proportionately  larger,  was  still  in- 
significant compared  with  the  mass  of  their  heathen 
kinsmen.  Consequently  it  seems  that  the  fortunes  of 
African  Christianity  were  bound  up  with  those  of  the 
Roman  domination;  as  that  failed,  the  Church  grew 
weaker,  and  when  it  perished,  the  Church  too  passed 
away.  The  political  power  of  the  Empire  in  Africa 
fell  because  the  Roman  population  first  dwindled,  and 
then  fled  away ;  and  the  Christianity  of  the  Province 
was  disintegrated  and  transplanted  with  it. 

Roman  Africa  consisted  of  the  districts  now  known 
as  Tripoli,  Tunis,  Algeria  and  Morocco.  On  the  East 
the  almost  impassable  desert  of  Cyrene  cut  it  off  from 
Egypt ;  on  the  west  it  reached  the  Atlantic ;  on  the 
south,  its  boundaries  were  ill-defined,  but  Rome 
claimed  at  any  rate  a  nominal  suzerainty  as  far  as 
the  northern  limits  of  the  Sahara. 

The  population  of  N.  Africa  has  always  been  very 
heterogeneous  and  the  Roman  province  fully  shared 
this  characteristic.  The  successive  colonies,  planted 
by  Phoenicians,  Greeks  and  Romans,  though  they  mixed 
with  each  other,  never  united  with  the  Moors  or  Ber- 
bers whom  they  displaced.  Long  before  any  authentic 
records  were  kept,  a  dark  brown  race  appeared  from 


INTRODUCTION.  ^ 

the  east  and  south  and  a  people  of  a  lighter  biwni 
from  the  north-west.  These  soon  coalesced  in  the 
Moorish  people  and  their  common  language  with  its 
written  characters,  which  still  exists.,  shews  that  in 
historical  times  they  had  become  one  nation.  Neither 
the  negroes  of  the  Sahara  nor  the  fair  races  of  Europe 
bear  any  ethnological  likeness  to  the  Moors,  and  their 
nearest  relations  amongst  other  peoples  seem  to  be  the 
Iberians  of  Spain. 

The  colonies,  which  lined  the  Mediterranean  sea- 
board, introduced  a  much  more  complex  population. 
The  northern  districts  of  Africa  have  always  attracted 
a  curious  mixture  of  peoples,  and  from  the  earliest  times 
settlers  of  different  nationalities  took  up  their  abode 
there.  Amongst  the  earliest  to  arrive  were  the  Greeks, 
who  founded  several  cities  in  Cyrene  and  Tripoli. 
However  they  left  hardly  any  traces  of  their  stay: 
their  civilisation  passed  away,  and  the  only  relics  of 
their  former  presence  were  the  names  of  a  few  towns, 
.such  as  Megalopolis,  Aphrodisium  and  Neapolis. 

On  the  other  hand  the  colonists  from  Phoenicia  were 
of  supreme  importance  and  moulded  the  destinies  of 
their  adopted  country  for  many  centuries.  Gades,  then- 
first  settlement,  seems  to  date  from  almost  prehistoric 
times  and  was  perhaps  contemporaneous  with  the  Fall 
of  Troy.  It  is  unlikely  that  they  ever  held  much 
inland  territory  or  at  first  united  with  the  Berber 
population ;  in  the  days  when  the  man,  who  came  to  the 
strong  as  the  peaceful  trader,  became  among  weaker 
tribes  the  cruel  slave-dealer,  friendly  intercourse  between 
the  new-comers  and  the  old  inhabitants  was  nearly  un- 
known.    On  the  other  hand,  as  centuries  went  by,  the 


6        THE   CHRISTIAN  CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

coast  and  sea-board  of  Africa  was  so  thickly  studded 
with  Phoenician  settlements  that  in  the  Punic  Wars 
it  seemed  to  the  Roman  statesmen  that  the  conquest 
of  Carthage  implied  the  subjugation  of  Africa ;  nor 
was  it  until  the  arms  of  Scipio  were  crowned  with 
victory,  that  they  perceived  that  in  reality  their  work 
was  just  begun. 

The  Phoenicians  may  not  have  been  the  only  colonists 
from  Syria.  Procopius  tells  a  tale  of  a  pillar  set  up  to 
commemorate  the  arrival  of  the  Girgashites,  fleeing 
before  the  "robber  Joshua\"  and  Ibn  Khaldoun,  the 
Arabic  historian,  gives  a  long  list  of  Berber  tribes  of 
Tripoli  and  Morocco,  who  observed  the  rites  of  the 
Jewish  religion^.  Of  course  Jews  were  in  Africa  as 
they  were  in  all  the  world,  and  an  inscription  records 
the  presence  of  one  of  them  in  Mauritania  Sitifiensisl 
But  even  if  their  presence  were  actually  proved,  none 
of  these  peoples  formed  an  important  element  in  the 
African  population.  Tissot  however  sees  reason  to 
doubt  the  accuracy  of  Procopius ;  and,  as  no  writer  but 
Ibn  Khaldoun,  who  lived  five  hundred  years  after  the 
event,  mentions  the  Jewish  Moors,  it  seems  probable 
that  he  has  mistaken  for  Judaism  some  debased  form  of 
Christianity. 

Last  and  most  important  of  all  the  great  colonizing 
peoples  were  the  Romans.  Brought  across  the  sea  by 
their  rivalry  with  Carthage,  it  was  long  before  they 
conquered  the  whole  territory  which  formed  the  Pro- 
vince of  Africa.  Like  ourselves  in  India,  they  were 
led  on  from  conquest  to  conquest  and  from  annexation 

1  de  hello  Vandalico,  ii.  10.         ^  giane's  Translation,  page  208. 
3  C.  I.  L.  8499. 


INTRODUCTION.  7 

to  annexation,  until  at  length  they  reached  what  may 
be  called  the  '  scientific  frontier.'  At  first  they  onl}* 
stepped  in  where  Carthage  had  been  before,  and  were 
willing  to  set  up  native  states  under  their  suzerainty ; 
but  the  civil  wars  at  the  rise  of  the  Empire  mark  the 
practical  absorption  of  the  whole  of  N.-W.  Africa  with 
the  provincial  system.  After  that,  one  Roman  general 
after  another  gradually  drove  the  Moors  back,  until 
at  the  time  of  the  Antonines,  the  Roman  dominion 
stretched,  in  name  at  least,  from  Tripoli  to  the  Atlantic, 
and  from  the  Sahara  to  the  Mediterranean.  Practically, 
however,  the  actual  territory  ruled  from  Carthage  did 
not  extend  further  west  than  modern  Algeria.  There 
were  many  Roman  cities  in  Mauritania  Tingitana, 
which  had  been  founded  by  Augustus  and  Claudius 
for  military  and  commercial  reasons ;  but  the  moun- 
tains that  intervened  practically  cut  them  off  altogether 
from  the  rest  of  Africa.  There  was  no  road  from 
Caesarea  to  Tingi,  and  the  200  miles  between  the  latter 
and  Russ-addir  had  to  be  travelled  by  sea.  Consequently 
Tingitana  plays  no  part  in  the  history  of  Africa  and 
indeed  at  a  later  time  was  counted  part  of  Spaing 

The  population  of  the  province  in  the  early  years  of 
the  fourth  century  when  the  Church  first  began  to 
fail,  falls  naturally  into  two  great  divisions.  The 
civilized  Liby-Phoenicians  inhabited  the  sea-coast  from 
Lcptis  to  Caesarea  and  reached  as  far  inland  as  a  rough 
line  drawn  from  Caesarea  through  Mount  Aurasius  to 

1  This  account  of  Africa  is  based  on  Tissot,  Giographie  comparie 
de  la  province  romaine  d'Afrique,  Vol.  i.  2nd  pt.  Bk.  i.  ch.  i.  §§  1,  2; 
Gaston  Boissier,  L'Afrique  romairie,  ch.  i.  ;  Mommsen,  Provinces 
from  Caesar  to  Diocletian,  ch.  xiii. 


8         THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH    AFRICA, 

Leptis.  This  triangle  was  shut  in  by  the  solid  mass 
of  the  Moors.  The  mountains  of  Mauritania,  the 
plateau  of  Aurasius,  the  deserts  of  Tripoli  were  in- 
habited by  wild  and  terrible  hordes,  who  liked  nothing 
better  than  to  burst  forth  and  sweep  far  and  wide  over 
the  cultivated  and  peaceful  lowlands.  For  Rome  was 
never  secure  in  Africa ;  at  the  very  height  of  her  power 
she  had  to  hold  her  ground  by  main  force,  and  modern 
researches  have  proved  that  the  statements  of  the  old 
historians  to  this  effect  are  true.  From  the  first  to 
the  last  day  of  the  Roman  domination  in  Africa,  the 
Moors  of  the  frontiers  presented  the  greatest  difficulty. 
Wherever  the  French  explorers  of  to-day  penetrate 
they  find  ruins  of  Roman  forts,  and  that  every  strategic 
position  within  the  borders  of  the  province  was  once 
guarded  and  garrisoned  by  a  vigilant  force  of  soldiers \ 
It  is  this  which  is  the  all-important  fact  in  the  history 
of  the  Romans  in  Africa.  Gorgeous  in  their  splendour, 
wonderful  in  their  luxurj^,  invincible  in  their  strength 
as  the  Roman  Provinces  seemed,  their  whole  basis  was 
affected  by  inherent  rottenness.  For  centuries  their 
foundation  might  seem  firm;  but  sooner  or  later  the 
earthquake  was  sure  to  come  and  utterl}^  destroy  their 
whole  structure. 

If  the  power  of  Rome  had  not  failed  when  it  did,  if 
the  supremacy  of  her  civilization  had  been  extended  for 
several  centuries,  her  hold  on  the  African  plains  might 
have  been  more  secure.  For  in  all  probability  the 
difference  between  the  Moorish  barbarian  of  the 
highlands  and  his  half-civilized  cousin  of  the  lowlands 
was  very  slight.     As  the  latter  lost  his  savagery  under 

^  Boissier,  UAfrique  Romaine,  iii.  §  1. 


INTRODUCTION. 


9 


the  iiitlueiices  of  Christianity  and  civilization,  the 
tor  me  r  also  would  have  been  improved  by  the  same 
agencies  until  he  settled  down  into  a  more  peaceful  and 
settled  condition.  Unfortunately  this  was  not  to  be. 
The  strength  of  the  Empire  began  to  fail  after  the 
beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  and  its  growing 
weakness  was  most  disastrous  to  the  province  of  Africa. 
Year  by  year  the  pressure  of  the  Moors  became  more 
severe,  and  the  problem  was  no  longer  how  to  increase, 
but  how  to  preserve  the  dominions  of  civilization. 

The  danger  would  not  have  been  so  great,  had  the 
Moors,  instead-  of  being  an  essentially  barbarous  race, 
possessed  even  the  rudiments  of  civilization.     Indiffer- 
ent, however,  to  heat  and  cold,  they  wore  the  same  thick 
cloaks  the  whole  year  round,  dwelt  both  in  winter  and 
summer  in  stifling  huts,  and — except  those  few  who 
were    the    fortunate  possessors  of  a   sheepskin  rug — 
slept  upon  the  bare  ground.    They  ate  only  the  coarsest 
kinds    of  food,  and   did  not  object   to  consuming  the 
flesh  and  blood  of  animals  which  had  died  of  disease. 
The  Moors  were  quite  ignorant  of  either  bread  or  wine 
and  devoured  spelt  and  barley  uncooked.     Their  moral 
degradation  was  ecjual  to  their  physical ;  they  had  no 
idea  of  the  existence  of  a  God,  and  they  knew  of  the 
civilization  of  the  plains  only  to  despise  it.     Even  at 
the  end  of  the  eighth  century  Cahina  the  Berber  queen 
ordered  the  destruction  of  all  vines  and  olive  trees,  as 
having  no  value  in  the  eyes  of  her  barbarous  subjects 
but  only  in  those  of  the  displaced  Romans  and  advanc- 
ing Saracens^ 

1  For  account  of  Moors  see  Procopins,  de  hello  Vamlal.  ii.  .S  ;  Eu 
Norveiri,  transl.  by  Slane,  pp.  332,  340. 


10      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

In  startling  contrast  to  this  absolute  barbarism  was 
the  luxury  and  effeminacy  of  the  lowland  population  \ 
The  richer  classes  and  the  townspeople  enjoyed  all  the 
conveniences,  and  shared  in  all  the  vicious  follies  of 
jDerhaps  the  most  corrupt  and  enervating  civilization 
that  the  world  has  ever  seen.  They  built  for  them- 
selves marvellous  palaces  the  remains  of  which  exist  to 
this  day,  and  one  magnificent  pile  has  reached  us  in 
sufficiently  good  preservation  to  show  to  what  lengths 
their  luxury  would  go.  Far  from  the  site  of  any  town 
or  village  of  the  Roman  period,  on  the  road  from  Sdtif 
to  Constantine,  stand  the  ruins  of  enormous  baths. 
They  cover  a  plot  800  metres  square  and  are  lavishly 
ornamented  with  mosaics,  marbles  and  statues.  In 
size  and  magnificence  they  are  worthy  of  a  great  city ; 
but  no  city  is  near  them,  and  they  were  erected  merely 
for  the  private  use  of  the  household  of  a  great  land- 
owner, called  Pompeianusl 

Building  was  one  of  the  chief  tastes  of  the  Romans 
in  Africa,  every  petty  municipality  seeking  to  prove 
its  greatness  by  the  pretentiousness  of  its  public 
structures.  In  every  town  was  to  be  seen  a  forum 
round  which  were  ranged  the  statues  of  the  Emperors, 
erected  as  a  rule  by  the  magistrates  in  return  for  the 
honour  of  their  election. 

Round  their  country  seats,  the  rich  provincials 
planted  enormous  parks.  Procopius^  tells  us  with  all 
the  authority  of  an  eye-witness,  how  the  army  of 
Belisarius  passed  the  night  in  the  "paradise"  of  the 

1  For  account  of  Roman  civilization  see  Procop.,  de  hello  Vand.  ii. 
3;  Salvian,  de  Gub.Dei,  vii.  65  ;  Boissier,  VAfrique  Romaine,  passim. 

2  Boissier,  iv.  §  3.  ^  Procop.  B.  V.  i.  17. 


INTRODUCTION.  11 

king's  palace  at  Grasse.  Each  soldier  built  a  hut  of 
boughs  for  himself  and  ate  without  stint  of  the  fruit 
that  grew  there,  yet,  when  the  march  was  resumed,  so 
thick  and  luxuriant  was  the  foliage  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  tell  that  there  had  been  the  bivouac  of  more 
than  15,000  men.  Such  parks  as  these  could  not  have 
been  maintained  in  the  dry  soil  of  Africa  without  an 
immense  system  of  irrigation.  To  extend  this  system 
was  the  favourite  form  of  public  benefactions.  Carthage 
was  supplied  by  two  enormous  cisterns,  of  which  one  is 
still  used,  while  the  other  forms  the  site  of  a  village. 
At  Thysdrus  the  liberality  of  a  magistrate  provided 
water  not  only  for  the  public  fountains  but  also  for 
private  houses.  At  Tupusuctu,  where  supplies  were 
stored  for  the  Roman  legions  engaged  in  border  warfare, 
the  remains  of  a  cistern  3000  metres  square  still  exist. 
The  Roman  colonist  however,  if  not  destitute  of 
noble  conceptions  and  a  sense  of  public  duty,  was 
enervated  by  luxury.  He  dressed  no  longer  in  the 
toga,  but  wore  loose  robes  of  the  most  gorgeous 
materials  after  the  Median  fashion.  He  could  eat  only 
the  most  delicate  food,  and  found  life  without  his 
daily  bath  unbearable.  The  richer  classes  occupied 
themselves  entirely  in  amusements.  An  inscription 
lately  discovered  in  the  Forum  of  Thamugadi  (Timgad) 
expresses  the  ideal  of  the  fashionable  provincials.  By 
the  side  of  some  "  tabulae  lusoriae  "  are  engraved  the 
words  ^ : — 

VENARI  LAVARI 

LUDERE  RIDERE 

OCC    EST  VI V ERE 

^  Boissier,  VAfriqne  Romaine,  v.  §  2. 


12     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

— a  summary  which  exactly  tallies  with  the  account  of 
Procopius. 

In  Africa,  as  in  other  parts  of  the  Empire,  chariot- 
racing  led  to  great  popular  excesses.  Indeed  its 
hold  on  the  tastes  of  the  people  was  perhaps  even 
stronger  than  at  Constantinople.  Every  little  country- 
town  had  its  circus,  and  M.  Boissier  declares  that 
"  coachmen  then  were  Africans,  as  to-day  they  are 
Englishmen \"  Enormous  salaries  were  paid  to  success- 
ful drivers.  Crescens  won  in  ten  years  1,500,000 
sesterces^.  St  Augustine  deplored  the  fascination  of 
the  theatre  and  the  circus,  and  bewailed  the  fate  of 
hundreds  of  raw  young  countrymen  drawn  by  their 
glitter  into  the  vortex  of  city-life  from  quiet  homes. 

For  the  fascination  exercised  by  the  towns  of  Africa, 
especially  Carthage,  was  a  perpetual  drain  upon  its  re- 
sources. The  capital  of  the  province,  which  ranked  as 
one  of  the  great  cities  of  the  world,  attracted  settlers 
from  the  most  distant  parts.  Here  was  the  seat  of 
the  civil  and  military  government,  here  dwelt  the 
Proconsul,  the  Magister  Militum  and  numberless  sub- 
ordinate officials  of  every  grade  and  title,  and  each 
day  justice,  supported  by  the  irresistible  authority  of 
arbitrary  power,  was  administered  in  the  Forum.  It 
was  moreover  the  intellectual  and  commercial  centre 
of  Africa ;  its  schools  of  languages,  philosophy,  and  the 
liberal  arts  were  thronged  with  pupils ;  its  magnificent 
harbour  was  alive  with  the  ships  of  all  the  civilized 
world.  Its  buildings  were  worthy  of  its  greatness,  and 
no  heavier  indictment  can  be  brought  against  the 
Vandals,  than  their  destruction   of  some  of  its  finest 

1  Boissier,  iv.  §  B.  ^  C.  I.  L.  12504.  et  seq. 


INTRODUCTION.  13 

edifices.  For  in  their  senseless  rage  the  invaders 
defliced  the  Odeon  or  Concert  Hall,  the  Theatre,  the 
Temple  of  Memory,  and  the  magnificent  Via  Caelestis, 
which  with  its  decorated  walls,  nearly  two  miles  in 
length,  was  adorned  with  mosaics,  and  priceless 
stones \ 

There  was  however  a  terrible  reverse  to  the  picture. 
The  streets,  if  stately,  were  unsafe ;  robbers  and  mur- 
derers lurked  in  the  side  alleys  to  seize  the  unwary 
passer  by.  Prostitution  and  still  grosser  vices  were 
unblushingly  practised  in  the  full  light  of  day,  and  a 
man  who  kept  himself  pure  did  not  seem  to  be  an 
African-. 

All  this  magnificence  had  to  be  paid  for,  and  the 
burthen  fell  on  the  country.  As  the  chief  export  ot^ 
Afi-ica  was  corn  and  her  wealth  was  derived  from  it 
alone,  the  harshest  tyranny  was  used  to  keep  up  a 
proper  supply.  At  one  time  most  of  the  land  had 
been  held  by  a  few  great  landowners,  among  whom 
Pompeianus  was  probably  numbered ^  and  Nero  is  said 
to  have  executed  six  men,  whose  estates  included  half 
the  Province ^  But  after  this  the  Emperors  took  care 
to  keep  the  most  fertile  parts  of  the  chief  granary 
of  Rome  in  their  own  hands,  and  we  find  Solomon 
refusing  to  grant  the  lands  of  the  Vandals  to  his 
victorious  army,  on  the  express  plea  that  they  belonged 
as  a  matter  of  right  to  the  Imperial  Treasury". 

^  Victor  Vit.  i.  3;  Prosper,  de  Promisxionibiis,  ii.  38. 

-  "itaenim  geuerale  in  eis  malum  impuritatis  est,  ut  quicumque 
ex  eis  impudicus  desierit,  Afer  uou  esse  videatur."  Salvian,  de  Gub. 
Dei,  vii.  65.  3  Supm  p.  10. 

•*  Pliny,  H.  X.  xviii.  35.  '  Procop.  de  hello  Vand.  ii.  14. 


14      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

The  system  under  which  these  estates  were  man- 
aged, like  all  the  rest  of  the  provincial  governments, 
gave  every  opportunity  for  oppression.  The  people 
were  bound  to  the  soil  and  at  the  mercy  of  "con- 
ductores,"  who  had  the  land  at  five  year  leases  from  the 
"  procuratores."  Rather  better  off  were  the  "coloni," 
who  held  their  farms  direct  from  the  Emperors  in 
consideration  of  a  certain  proportion  of  the  produce 
and  various  dues  to  the  "  conductores,"  as  laid  down 
in  the  Lex  Hadriana  or  Forma  Perpetua.  But  besides 
these  payments  in  kind  and  money  they  were  liable 
to  forced  labour,  and  the  "  conductores "  could  demand 
their  unpaid  services  for  two  days  in  weeding  time, 
two  days  in  harvest,  and  two  days  at  some  other  season 
of  the  year.  It  is  evident  that  such  a  system  was 
certain  to  be  abused.  Occasionally  an  appeal  would  be 
made  directly  to  the  Emperors^;  but  what  chance 
had  a  poor  colonus  of  getting  justice  from  a  govern- 
ment official,  backed  up  by  all  the  power  of  vested 
interests  and  class  prejudices?  From  the  time  of 
Constantine,  even  the  coloni  were  bound  to  the  soil, 
and  not  until  the  time  of  Justinian  was  liberty 
granted  to  their  children  by  a  free  womanl  The 
glories  of  Carthage  and  other  towns  rested  therefore 
upon  a  foundation  of  misery;  while  the  city  population 
rejoiced  in  chariot  races  and  splendid  buildings,  the 
peasants,  who  ultimately  paid  for  all,  were  ground 
down  to  the  utmost  poverty  and  distress  I 

But  even  in  the  most  prosperous  times,  the  state 

of  the   agricultural   population  was  a  real  source   of 

weakness  to  the  Province.      Their  misery  made  them 

1  C.  I.  L.  10570.         2  Just.  Cod.  xi.  47,  24.         ^  Boissier,  iv.  §  4. 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

turbulent  and  deprived  them  of  all  interest  in  the 
maintenance  of  Roman  rule.  Oppressed  by  harsh  land- 
owners, robbed  of  their  scanty  gains  by  extortionate 
tax-gatherers,  it  might  well  appear  to  them  that  they 
had  little  concern  in  the  quarrels  of  those  who  misused 
them.  The  Donatists,  who  had  caused  not  only  a 
religious  schism  but  a  social  revolution,  drew  their  chief 
strength  from  the  country  people  ;  and  the  conquests 
of  the  Vandals  and  Saracens  would,  in  all  probability, 
have  been  far  more  difficult,  if  the  peasantry  had  been 
more  attached  to  the  Imperial  regime. 

This  disaffection  was  a  serious  danger  long  before 
it  was  openly  manifested,  and  then  it  became  positively 
fatal.  The  hold  of  Rome  upon  Africa  depended  entirely 
upon  her  power  of  reconciling  the  Moors  to  her  rule 
and  of  enrolling  them  among  her  civilized  subjects. 
Her  power,  nay  her  very  existence  depended  upon  a 
successful  solution  of  this  difficult  problem.  Now  the 
connecting  link  between  the  cultured  inhabitants  of 
the  towns  and  the  barbarian  Moors  of  the  mountains 
were  the  despised  class  of  oppressed  coloni.  Living 
as  they  did  right  up  to  the  boundaries  of  the  Province, 
they  inevitably  mixed  with  the  old  possessors  of  the 
land,  and  the  hybrid  race  of  Liby-Phoenicians,  thus 
produced,  formed  an  invaluable  bridge  between  civili- 
zation and  barbarism. 

Such  a  solution  of  racial  problems  was  no  new 
thing  to  Roman  statesmen.  In  every  province  the 
policy  of  the  imperial  city  was  to  train  up  the  in- 
digenous inhabitants  until  they  were  fit  to  become 
citizens  of  herself,  and  to  effect  this  purpose  was  far  less 
difficult  in  Africa   than  elsewhere.      Here   there  was 


16     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

no  national  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  numerous 
petty  tribes,  who,  indignant  as  they  were  at  their 
own  fate,  felt  a  certain  satisfaction  in  seeing  their 
domestic  enemies  in  a  plight  similar  to  their  own. 
Neither  was  any  rivalry  of  diverse  creeds  to  be  feared. 
A  marked  feature  of  the  Berber  temperament  is  the 
essentially  local  character  of  its  religion,  whether 
nominally  pagan.  Christian,  or  Mahommedan.  When 
the  Moors  were  pagans,  each  village  had  its  tutelary 
deity ;  when  they  were  Christians,  each  township  had 
its  own  Bishop  and  its  particular  martyrs ;  when  they 
were  Mahommedans,  the  local  saint  or  marabout  was 
as  much  revered  as  the  Prophet  himself  Rome  on 
the  other  hand  had  by  the  end  of  the  Republic  few 
religious  scruples.  Her  faith  was  an  accommodating 
polytheism,  which  was  as  ready  to  recognise  Saturnus 
Augustus  in  Baal-Hamman  as  it  had  been  to  identify 
Minerva  with  Athene \  In  a  comparatively  short  time 
a  real  connection  might  have  been  established  between 
the  Moors  and  the  people  of  the  country  districts, 
which  would  have  growo  steadily  stronger  until  the 
civilization  of  Rome  had  been  firmly  established  in 
the  Province  of  Africa. 

For  the  natural  tendency  of  two  neighbouring  races 
to  amalgamate  was  assisted  by  the  political  necessities 
of  the  Empire.  If  the  corn-supply  of  Rome  had 
failed,  the  authority  of  the  Emperors  would  have  been 
severely  shaken,  and  it  was  therefore  their  direct 
interest  to  maintain  the  agricultural  population  of 
Africa.  In  nearly  all  the  provinces  it  had  become  a 
settled  policy  to  introduce  bodies  of  barbarians  from 
^  Boissier,  vii.  §  2, 


INTRODUCTION.  17 

beyond  the  borders^  and  to  settle  them  on  the  land  as 
"  coloni";  in  all  probability  the  same  plan  was  adopted 
in  Africa  and  by  its  agency  a  sufficient  number  of 
peasants  were  provided  to  cultivate  the  enormous 
Imperial  estates.  At  any  rate  the  defence  of  the 
frontiers  was  entrusted  to  a  Berber  militia,  who  were  con- 
trived to  play  a  double  part.  The  "limitanei,"  as  they 
were  called,  were  expected  to  beat  off  the  raids  of 
the  unsubdued  tribes,  and,  as  their  pay  consisted  in 
gi-ants  of  land  on  the  borders,  they  at  the  same  time 
acted  as  the  outposts  of  civilization. 

In  other  ways,  too,  the  military  forces  of  the 
province  helped  to  unite  the  Berbers  and  Liby- 
Phoenicians.  Not  only  were  the  "  limitanei "  and  the 
"  foederati "  entirely  Moorish  by  race,  but  the  perma- 
nent garrison  of  regulars,  the  Legio  Tertia  Augusta, 
had  become  largely  so.  For  centuries  it  had  been 
stationed  at  Lambaesa  and  there  its  ranks  were  re- 
cruited, its  soldiers  lived  and  its  veterans  died.  To 
serve  in  the  ranks  while  able-bodied,  to  marry  a  woman 
of  the  neighbourhood,  to  retire  to  a  farm  as  near  the 
old  head-quarters  as  possible  was  the  ordinary  fjite 
of  the  Roman  legionary.  His  place  was  taken  by  his 
son  born  of  a  Moorish  mother,  or  by  a  recruit  from 
the  uncivilized  tribes  of  the  hills.  Every  year  saw 
more  and  more  recruits  of  mixed  blood  entering  the 
ranks  until  at  length  the  legion  became  Roman  rather 
in  name  than  in  f\ict-.     Whether  this  was  satisfactory 

^  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  Recherches  sur  quelques problemes  d^histoire, 
p.  32. 

-'  Boissier,  UAfrique  Romaine,  iii.  4  ;  Caguat,  UArmee  Romaine, 
iv.  2. 

H.  2 


18     THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

from  a  military  point  of  view  or  not,  the  continuous 
stream  of  veterans,  Moors  by  race  but  Romans  by 
training,  was  of  the  highest  value  as  a  means  of 
effecting  a  union  between  the  diverse  nations  inhabit- 
ing Africa. 

By  these  three  means  then,  the  inevitable  mingling 
of  the  Phoenician  settlers  and  the  African  aborigines, 
the  actual  planting  of  African  "coloni"  and  the  gradual 
Libyanizing  of  the  Roman  forces,  the  country  popula- 
tion formed  a  connecting  link  between  the  over-civilized 
Carthaginian  and  the  barbarous  mountaineer.  Un- 
fortunately for  Africa  this  link  never  grew  strong 
enough  to  bear  a  strain,  and  the  Moors  beyond  the 
borders  remained  a  standing  menace  to  civilization. 

With  such  a  heterogeneous  population  it  is  not 
surprising  to  find  that  there  were  three  languages  in 
common  use  in  Africa,  Latin,  Punic  and  Libyan  \  Greek 
had  never  gained  much  foothold ;  it  had  only  lingered 
as  the  speech  of  polite  society,  and  by  the  time  of 
Augustus  the  great  mass  of  the  people  had  forgotten 
its  very  letters.  Libyan  on  the  other  hand  was  the 
tongue  of  the  country  people  and  of  the  Moors  of  the 
highlands.  It  was  never  a  literary  language  and  none 
of  the  African  historians  have  written  in  it ;  for 
Hiempsal  used  Punic,  Juba  Greek,  and  Ibn  Khaldoun 
Arabic.  Nevertheless  it  existed  and  still  exists ;  St 
Augustine  mentions  it,  there  are  some  inscriptions 
near  Cirta  in  it  and  it  is  now  taught  in  the  French 
Government  schools  of  Kabylia.  It  was  in  fact  the 
vernacular  of  the  less  civilized  parts  of  the  Province. 

In  the  more  civilized  parts  Punic  took  its  place. 
^  Boissier,  vii.  §  5. 


INTRODUCTION.  19 

St  Augustine  says  of  the  people  near  Hippo,  "  interro- 
gati  rustici  nostri  quid  sint,  Punice  respondentes 
'  Chenani,'  corrupta  scilicet  voce,  sicut  in  talibus 
solet,  quid  aliud  respondent,  quam  '  Chenanaei^ ' ;" 
and  in  establishing  a  fresh  See  at  Fussala,  he  makes 
it  of  the  first  importance  that  the  new  Bishop  must 
speak  Punic-.  The  "  Circumcelliones  "  too  could  only 
speak  to  the  Donatist  priests  "per  Punicum  inter- 
pretem."  Still  it  was  a  failing  language,  for  when 
St  Augustine  quotes  a  Punic  proverb  in  one  of  his 
sermons,  he  adds  the  Latin  translation  with  the 
words : — 

"  Latine  vobis  dicam,  quia  Punice  non  omnes  nostis." 
Of  course  Latin  was  not  the  natural  language  of 
Africa,  and  it  probably  never  became  universal.  How  for 
it  may  have  won  its  way  after  the  Vandal  domination 
cannot  be  accurately  determined,  but  the  Byzantines 
said  that  the  African  provincials  spoke  it  more  fluently 
than  the  Romans  themselves.  Mr  Hodgkin  thinks  that 
it  was  probably  used  with  "  an  affected  prettiness,  and 
want  of  spontaneity  and  naturalness^"  For  it  gained 
ground  entirely  through  the  learned  classes.  The 
Romans  never  insisted  upon  Latin  as  the  official  lan- 
guage of  their  provinces,  and  left  so  much  of  the  local 
government  to  the  hands  of  the  old  magistrates,  that 
to  force  them  to  carry  on  public  affairs  in  a  foreign 
tongue  would  have  produced  chaos.  No  doubt  the 
Church  helped  to  spread  it  widely,  and  it  is  to  Latin 
versions  of  the  Scriptures  written  in  Africa  that  we 

1  Tissot,  I.  i.  2.  -  Aug.  Ep.  209.  3. 

3  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  Vol.  ii.  240. 

2—2 


20     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

owe  the  basis  of  the  modern  Vulgate'^.  Yet  the 
number  of  epitaphs  which  are  to  be  found  in  Africa, 
which  pay  no  attention  to  either  scansion  or  metre, 
and  St  Augustine's  remark 

'  Afrae  aures  de  correptione  vocalium  vel  produc- 
tione  non  judicant^ ' 

prove  that  up  to  a  fairly  late  period,  it  was  still  a 
foreign  language  to  the  provincials.  Yet,  though  it  was 
almost  universally  known  by  all  who  pretended  to  any 
degree  of  culture  or  learning,  St  Augustine  tells  us 
that  he  picked  it  up  by  listening  to  others  talking  it^ 
and  Victor  Vitensis  is  moved  to  the  deepest  indigna- 
tion at  the  declaration  of  the  Arian  Cyrila,  who  an- 
nounced at  the  Conference  of  Carthage  484,  that  he 
could  not  understand  Latins 

Such  then  was  the  material  on  which  the  Church 
had  to  work.  A  province  divided  against  itself  by 
race,  by  language,  by  civilization,  by  wealth.  In  the 
cities  a  people,  cultured  and  corrupt,  rich  and  pleasure- 
loving,  with  the  vices  of  the  East  and  the  power  of 
the  West.  On  the  borders  a  nation  of  uncultivated 
barbarians,  careless  of  even  their  own  comfort,  desirous 
only  of  plunder,  ignorant  of  the  very  existence  of  a 
God.  Between  these  two  extremes  lay  the  cultivators 
of  the  soil ;  a  mixed  race,  mainly  composed  of  Phoe- 
nicians and  Libyans,  oppressed  and  ground  down,  they 
helped,  though  without  success,  to  bridge  over  the  great 
gulf  between  the  cultured  Roman,  and  the  barbarian 
Moor.     Their  own  miserable  condition  prevented  them 


1  Boissier,  vi.  5.        ^  de  doctr.  Christ,  iv.  24.         ^  Conf.  i.  14,  23. 
^  Victor  Vitensis,  ii.  18. 


INTRODUCTION.  21 

from  really  uniting  the  two  races ;  they  stood  too  far 
apart  from  each  and  had  too  few  common  interests 
with  either.  As  they  failed  to  join  conquerors  and 
conquered  together,  some  other  body  had  to  keep  them 
apart;  this  other  body  was  the  army.  The  Roman 
domination  seemed  secure ;  but  it  rested  on  a  most 
unstable  basis.  Only  the  ceaseless  vigilance  of  the 
military  commanders  and  the  untiring  energy  of  the 
legionaries  kept  the  fair  plains  of  the  lowlands  and 
the  rich  streets  of  Carthaoe  from  the  ruthless  raids 
of  the  Moors.  As  the  fertility  of  the  province  depended 
upon  a  gigantic  system  of  irrigation,  so  its  prosperity 
relied  on  the  efficient  organization  of  its  garrison ;  and 
as  in  the  fight  with  nature  man  in  the  long  run  must 
be  beaten,  so  when  civilization  is  as  selfish  as  it  was  in 
Africa,  barbarism  is  sure  to  conquer. 

On  the  outside  the  Roman  Province  seemed  pros- 
perous, but  its  prosperity  was  only  skin-deep.  The 
poor  col  onus  toiled,  but  he  did  not  reap  ;  and  the  rich 
Carthaginian  and  the  idle  Roman  grew  fat  upon  his 
misery.  The  tiller  of  the  soil  cared  little  for  a  civiliza- 
tion he  did  not  enjoy,  and  had  no  interest  in  trying  to 
save  it  from  the  hands  of  the  invader. 

Meanwhile,  ever  watchful  and  ever  ready  to  seize 
their  opportunity,  in  their  inaccessible  mountains  and 
pathless  desert,  stood  the  threatening  Moors. 


CHAPTER    11. 

The  African  Church  to  398  a.d. 

Although  the  African  Church  played  so  important 
a  part  in  the  history  of  Christianity,  no  definite  in- 
formation has  reached  us  as  to  the  date  at  which  the 
Gospel  first  was  preached  in  the  Province  or  by  whose 
hand  the  earliest  seeds  were  sown.  Tertullian,  the  first 
great  figure  in  the  annals  of  this  Church,  appears  sud- 
denly on  the  scene.  Before  him  we  know  of  no  African 
Christians,  and  it  is  from  his  writings  alone  that  we 
gather  how  numerous  and  influential  they  had  already 
become.  No  mention  however  is  made  of  the  first 
preaching  of  the  gospel  in  Africa,  nor  is  any  Apostle 
claimed  as  the  founder  of  the  local  church. 

Probably  the  Church  of  Carthage  was  an  offshoot  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  and  came  into  existence  without 
any  deliberate  missionary  efforts  Between  the  capital 
of  the  Empire  and  the  capital  of  the  Province,  there 
was  continual  communication.  On  Africa,  Rome 
depended  for  her  corn-supply ;  to  Rome,  Africa  owed 
her   government,   her   defence   and  her  culture.     The 

1  Mlinter,  Primordia  Ecclesiae  Africanae,  Chap.  iv. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO    398  A.D.  23 

trade    between    Carthage  and  the  Imperial  City  was 
constant  and  regular,  and  it  would  have  been  surprising 
if  the  growing  Church   of  Rome  had  not  seized  the 
opportunity  of  extending  the  Gospel  to  Africa.     It  is 
easy  to  imagine  that  the  first  Christians  in  the  Province 
were  led  to  go  there  in  pursuit  of  their  ordinary  com- 
mercial avocations ;  or  we  may  suppose  that  Nero  and 
Trajan  by  their  persecutions  drove  some  believers  to 
flee  to  Africa  and  thus,  as  was  not  uncommon,  these 
emperors  helped  to  spread  the  very  Faith  they  were 
trying  to  crush.    Gregory  I.  indeed  in  one  of  his  letters  ^ 
asserts  that   the  Apostolic  Succession   in    Africa  was 
derived  from  the  Roman  Church,  and  the  great  Pope's 
statement,  if  not  conclusive,  is  at  least  probable. 

The  date  of  the  foundation  of  the  African  Church  is 
as  obscure  as  its  origin.  It  is  however  generally  put 
down  as  the  end  of  the  first  or  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century.  Gibbon-  says  that  it  is  impossible  to 
find  in  the  province  "  any  assured  traces  either  of  faith 
or  persecution  that  ascend  higher  than  the  reign  of  the 

Antonines." 

When  once  it  was  established  the  Church  of  Carth- 
age took  a  prominent  place  amongst  the  communions 
of  the  West.  In  character  it  resembled  the  Church  at 
Rome  and  its  relations  with  the  Apostolic  See  were 
always  close.  In  speaking  of  the  Decian  persecution, 
Dean  Milman  emphasizes  the  connection  thus  ^  :— 

"  Rome,  the  recognised  metropolis  of  the  West,  and 

1  Ep.  viii.  33.     Ad  Dominicum.  ^  Chap.  xv. 

3  Latin   Christianity,   i.   59,   also   Miinter,   Primordia   Ecclesiae 
Aj'ricanae,  ch.  xiv. 


24     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

Carthage,  the  metropolis  of  the  African  Churches,  now 
are  in  constant  and  regular  intercourse.  There  is  first 
a  Punic  league,  afterwards  at  least  a  threatened  Punic 
war.  In  the  persecution,  the  churches  are  brought  into 
close  alliance  by  common  sympathies,  common  perils, 
common  sufferings,  singularly  enough  by  common 
schisms ;  slowly,  but  no  doubt  at  length,  by  their  com- 
mon language." 

At  first  sight  it  seems  probable  that  the  Church  of 
Africa  would  have  close  relations  with  the  Church  of 
Egypt.  But  if  the  circumstances  of  the  time  are  con- 
sidered, the  deceptiveness  of  the  geographical  proximity 
of  the  two  communions  at  once  appears.  Carthage  and 
Alexandria  are,  it  is  true,  on  the  same  continent,  but 
there  were  many  obstacles,  both  physical  and  political, 
to  keep  them  apart. 

In  the  first  place  Egypt  and  Africa  are  very  effectu- 
ally divided  by  the  deserts  of  Cyrenaica.  The  settle- 
ments along  the  shores  of  the  Syrtis,  whether  Roman, 
Greek  or  Phoenician,  were  a  mere  fringe  along  the  coast 
and  never  reached  far  inland.  Nearly  all  their  com- 
munications with  the  rest  of  the  world  were  carried 
on  by  sea,  and  such  land  routes  as  existed  were  tra- 
versed only  by  caravans,  which  were  quite  insufficient 
in  number  to  maintain  the  constant  intercourse  neces- 
sary to  keep  up  a  close  connection  between  two  great 
societies.  So  difficult  indeed  was  this  overland  travel- 
ling that  even  when  the  Saracens  had  taken  Egypt, 
Africa  with  its  desert  frontier  was  thought  secure  from 
every  attacks     On  the  other  hand  the  voyage  from 

^  Morcelli,  Africa  Christiana,  sub  ami.  635. 


THE    AFRICAN    CHURCH   TO    398  A.D.  25 

Carthage  to  Alexandria  was  nut  an  easy  one.  The 
perils  of  the  sandy  Syrtis  have  been  sung  by  every 
Latin  poet,  and  the  ancients  in  their  open  ships  did 
not  care  to  trust  themselves  amongst  the  treacherous 
shoals  and  sudden  squalls  of  the  Bay  of  Tripoli. 

The  rivalry  moreover  between  the  Egyptian  and 
African  provinces  was  a  bar  to  their  inter-communica- 
tion. Both  exported  corn  ;  both  imported  luxuries. 
In  the  natural  course  of  trade  the  number  of  vessels 
plying  between  the  two  countries  must  have  been  much 
less  than  the  number  of  those  which  carried  the  pro- 
duce of  Carthage  to  Rome,  and  of  Alexandria  to 
Constantinople.  Moreover  the  distance  of  Africa  from 
the  Imperial  City  was  only  a  third  of  that  of  Carthage 
from  its  gi-eat  rival. 

If  the  geogi-aphical  isolation  and  commercial 
jealousy  did  not  conduce  to  much  intercourse  between 
the  two  provinces,  the  characters  of  their  populations 
did  nothing  to  bring  them  nearer.  They  were  essen- 
tially unlike  one  another.  When  Egypt  was  not 
Egyptian,  it  was  Greek ;  when  Africa  was  not  Punic,  it 
was  Roman.  The  civilization  of  Alexandria  was  Greek, 
and  Greek  was  the  common  language ;  the  civilization 
of  Carthage  was  Latin,  and  Latin  became  more  and 
more  the  tongue  of  the  educated.  As  the  Alexandrian 
prided  himself  on  being  more  Hellenic  than  the 
Athenian,  so  in  later  times  the  Roman  Phoenicians 
of  North  Africa  held  that  in  them  alone  was  continued 
the  true  stock  of  Rome\  Hence  whilst  Alexandria  has 
given  us  the  Septuagint,  it  is  to  Africa  that  the  Church 

^  Finlay,  Greece  under  the  Romans,  p.  386. 


26     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

owed   the   first  Latin  Version  of   the   Old  and  New 
Testaments. 

Even  in  their  theological  disputes  the  two  Churches 
differed  ;  the  class  of  problems  which  troubled  the 
clergy  of  Carthage  was  not  the  same  as  the  questions 
which  agitated  the  Alexandrians.  The  Eastern  mind 
of  the  Copt  was  concerned  about  the  mysteries  of  the 
Trinity,  and  of  the  nature  of  Christ ;  the  African  was 
more  interested  in  the  troubles  which  beset  the  Christ- 
ian in  his  earthly  warfare.  Could  a  man  live  a  perfect 
life  without  Divine  help  ?  Did  those  baptized  by 
heretics  stand  in  need  of  farther  baptism  ?  Was 
virginity  a  higher  state  than  that  of  an  honourable 
marriage  ?  Such  were  the  questions  which  the  less 
mystical  intellect  of  the  Western  Christians  felt  to  be 
all  important.  When,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Monothelites, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  interest  the  Church  of  Africa 
in  the  questions  that  rent  asunder  Eastern  Christendom, 
the  missionaries  found  that  their  words  fell  on  unheed- 
ing, if  not  unintelligent  ears. 

On  the  whole,  then,  it  seems  most  unlikely  that  the 
relations  of  the  Churches  of  Carthage  and  Alexandria 
were  at  all  close.  There  was  nothing  to  bring  them 
together;  the  distance  between  them  was  long  and 
difficult  and  their  theological  interests  were  completely 
different.  In  fact  so  little  communication  between 
them  was  there  in  later  times  that  their  independence 
had  produced  ignorance  and  this  ignorance  absoktte 
schism.  Daring  the  Vandal  rule  Fulgentius  had  to 
seek  in  every  direction,  in  order  to  arrive  at  information 
about  Egypt,  and  was  then  warned  that  the  monks  of 
the  Thebaid  were  no  longer  in  communion  with  the 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   398  A.I).  27 

Roman  Church,  and  that  they  would  refuse  to  admit 
him  to  partake  of  the  sacred  mysteries  with  them^ 
Even  if  this  statement  went  too  far  and  exaggerated 
the  feelings  of  the  bulk  of  the  Coptic  Church,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  it  would  have  never  been  made  if 
Alexandria,  and  not  Rome,  had  been  the  principal  ex- 
ternal influence  upon  Carthage. 

I  have  said  that  in  all  probability  Christianity 
obtained  its  foothold  in  Africa  at  the  end  of  the  first  or 
the  beginning  of  the  second  century,  but  it  is  with 
Tertullian  that  we  first  get  any  certain  records  of  the 
state  of  the  Church.  Evidently  in  the  first  century  of 
its  existence  it  had  at  least  numerically  made  very 
rapid  strides.  Gibbon-  contrasts  the  '  slow  progress  of 
the  Gospel  in  the  cold  climate  of  Gaul"  with  the  "eager- 
ness with  which  it  seems  to  have  been  received  on  the 
burning  sands  of  Africa":  Tertullian^  himself  taunts  the 
pagans  with  the  dilemma  in  which  they  would  find 
themselves,  were  they  successful  in  driving  out  all  the 
Christians.  But  this  rapid  increase  was  by  no  means 
an  unmixed  good.  Not  only  did  their  strength  attract 
more  persecution  than  fell  to  the  share  of  any  other 
branch  of  the  Church,  but  it  meant  a  rapid  falling  off 
in  the  standard  of  average  Christian  morality. 

As  long  as  the  Church  had  been  a  small  despised 
body,  no  one  would  enter  it  except  from  sheer  convic- 
tion ;  but  once  it  became  fashionable  to  be  a  Christian 
A»4  the  new  believers  claimed  the  right  of  submitting 
themselves  to  those  dictates  of  fashion  which  were 
scarcely  reconcilable  with  the  teaching  of  the  Church. 

1  Vita  Sti  Fuhjcndi,  §  12,  2  Gibbon,  ch.  xv. 

^  Apologia,  cb.  xxxvii. 


28     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

Partly  through  the  circumstances  of  her  origin,  partly 
through  the  state  of  the  society  of  the  day,  the  Christian 
Church  had  always  set  her  face  against  the  luxurious 
practices  of  the  richer  classes.  Stern  simplicity  in  food, 
dress,  and  mode  of  life  had  been  the  invariable  rule  for 
the  early  Christians,  and  the  bishops  looked  with  dread 
upon  any  symptoms  of  nascent  extravagance  among 
their  flocks.  But  now  that  the  Faith  had  spread  to 
every  class  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  more 
wealthy  converts  from  surrounding  themselves  with 
those  comforts  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed. 
In  comparatively  early  days  Tertullian  and  Cyprian 
had  thundered  in  vain  against  the  growing  laxity  of 
the  Christians.  The  former  in  his  "  De  Cultu  Femi- 
narum,"  the  latter  in  his  "De  Habitu  Virginum" 
censured  especially  the  ladies  of  fashion  for  the  cost- 
liness and  luxury  of  their  costumes ;  such  admonitions 
as  these  however  had  little  chance  of  permanent  success, 
and  the  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Church  to  enforce 
severe  sumptuary  laws  on  all  members  was  on  the 
whole  injurious  to  authority.  Those,  who  had  defied 
ecclesiastical  order  in  the  matter  of  comparative  non- 
essentials, soon  presumed  to  do  so  in  the  weightier 
matters  of  morality. 

For  it  was  impossible  to  preserve  the  simple  living 
of  the  early  Christians  and  impolitic  to  lay  too  much 
stress  upon  it,  when  there  were  other  demands  which 
might  fairly  be  made  upon  the  converts.  The  regular 
routine  of  everyday  life  amongst  the  Romans  involved 
many  objectionable  customs.  A  perfunctory  respect  to 
the  heathen  gods  was  exacted  by  the  rules  of  polite 
society,  or  some  ceremony  had  to  be  performed,  which, 


THE   AFRICAX   CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  29 

common-place  as  it  seemed  to  the  ordinary  Carthaginian, 
was  to  the  sensitive  purity  of  the  Christian  licentious 
and  immodest  in  the  extreme.  The  convert,  who  did 
not  give  up  entirely  his  old  life  and  associates,  was 
continually  forced  to  choose  between  an  awkward,  and 
perhaps  dangerous,  assertion  of  his  Faith,  or  an  un- 
worthy compliance  with  heathen  practices.  Christian 
soldiers  in  particular  found  themselves  in  a  dilemma ; 
much  of  their  daily  routine  and  even  their  oath  of 
allegiance  itself  forced  them  to  recognize  the  old  gods 
of  the  Empire,  so  that  it  seemed  impossible  for  them  to 
reconcile  their  military  with  their  religious  duties \ 
Without  doubt  many  converts  manfully  faced  the  diffi- 
culty and  preferred  to  abandon  their  old  friends  and 
society  rather  than  seem  faithless  to  their  Lord. 
But  others  did  not,  and,  as  Christianity  became  more 
general,  the  number  of  these  warriors  largely  increased, 
and  profoundly  affected  the  religious  life  of  the 
Province. 

Not  only  did  the  morality  of  the  Christians  suffer, 
and  Carthage  continue  to  be  even  under  nominally 
Christian  influence  one  of  the  most  luxurious  and 
licentious  cities  in  the  world,  but  the  actual  spread 
of  the  true  faith  and  the  extinction  of  the  old  customs 
was  greatly  delayed.  It  was  natural  for  men,  who  had 
neglected  the  teachings  of  the  Church  in  small  things 
to  grow  slack  about  greater  things,  and  as  their  habits 
of  compliance  gained  strength  they  looked  with  in- 
diff'erence  upon  the  remnants  of  paganism.  The  synods 
held  at  Carthage  on  June  and  September  401  had  to 
petition  the  Emperors  that  the  still  surviving  heathen 
1  Tertullian,  de  Corona. 


30     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

temples  should  be  destroyed,  and  absolutely  prohibited 
the  holding  of  any  more  banquets  in  connection  with 
them\  Even  in  the  days  of  St  Augustine  the  worship 
of  the  old  gods  had  not  died  out,  and  his  writings 
contain  many  allusions  to  his  success  in  dealing  with 
its  suppression^.  The  country  districts  were  the  chief 
strongholds  of  heathenism,  and  various  customs  lin- 
gered in  them,  as  they  still  do  in  the  more  primitive 
parts  of  England.  Even  Carthage  was  not  entirely  free 
from  paganism.  The  worship  of  Caelestis,  one  of  the 
national  deities,  survived,  and  some  of  the  most 
powerful  and  most  notable  citizens  were  amongst  its 
votaries;  even  the  Christians  did  not  repudiate  it  as 
they  should  have  done,  and  some,  trying  to  unite  the 
service  of  Christ  and  the  devil,  approached  the  altar 
of  God  with  garments  still  scented  with  incense  offered 
to  Caelestis ^ 

In  fact  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  the 
Christianity  of  the  mass  of  the  Carthaginians  was  only 
nominal.  The  stricter  lives  of  the  clergy,  who  had 
withdrawn  themselves  from  the  lives  and  pursuits  of 
the  laity  provoked  ridicule  rather  than  admiration. 
The  pallid  faces,  long  robes  and  close-cropped  hair  of 
the  monks  and  hermits  moved  the  people  to  derision, 
and  the  clergy  as  they  walked  through  the  public  places 
were  greeted  with  a  storm  of  abuse,  curses,  laughter 
and  derisive  whistles.  It  was  even  possible  for  Salvian 
to  assert  that  the  Apostles  had  been  safer  amongst  the 

1  Hefele,  Councils  of  Church,  Vol.  ii.  pp.  421—3,  426. 

2  Darras,  Histoire  Generale  de  VEglise,  Vol.  xi.  p.  21 ;  Vol.  xii. 
p.  145. 

3  Salvian,  de  Gubern.  Dei,  viii.  2,  3. 


THE  AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  31 

heathen  than  were  the  priests  in  professedly  Christian 
Africa^  In  his  wrath  at  the  infidelity  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians Salvian  compares  them  with  other  nations. 
Most  heathen  and  savage  peoples,  he  says,  have  some 
especial  vice,  but  with  Africans  all  vices  are  carried 
to  perfection.  If  the  Goths  are  treacherous,  they  are 
chaste ;  if  the  Alans  are  unchaste,  they  are  not 
treacherous.  The  Franks  are  liars,  but  at  least  they 
are  hospitable,  and  the  cruel  Saxons  are  remarkable 
for  their  continence.  Most  nations  have  their  peculiar 
virtues  as  well  as  their  peculiar  faults,  but  over  nearly 
all  the  Africans  every  vice  holds  sway.  If  anyone  is 
accused  of  inhumanity,  they  are  inhuman  ;  of  drunken- 
ness, they  are  drunken ;  of  deceit,  they  are  most 
deceitful ;  of  treachery,  they  are  most  treacherous.  To 
all  these  vices  they  add  unchastity  and  blasphemy 
and  attain  a  terrible  preeminence  in  wickedness-. 

To  win  such  men  as  these  to  righteousness  was  no 
easy  task,  and  it  was  unfortunate  that  the  ideal  adopted 
by  the  Church  tended  to  separate  the  clergy  from  the 
people.  It  is  easy  to  criticize  nowadays  the  policy  of 
the  Councils  and  to  point  out  the  certain  effects  of 
the  withdrawal  of  Christian  influences  from  the  every- 
day life  of  the  Carthaginians ;  but  it  was  not  so  easy  a 
matter  for  the  men  of  the  fifth  century  to  know  how  to 
combine  their  duty  as  Christians  with  the  observances 
of  a  society  so  deeply  tainted  with  licentiousness. 
We  may  regret  but  we  cannot  now  condemn  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Councils,  which  bade  the  African  clergy 
cut  themselves  oft'  from  their  neighbours  and  renounce 
for  ever  the  luxurious  city  life  of  the  time.  If  they 
^  Salvian,  de  Gub.  Dei,  viii.  4,  5.  -  Ibid.  vii.  15. 


32     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

had  boldly  faced  the  difficulty  and  tried  to  mix  with 
the  ordinary  townspeople,  while  preserving  their  Chris- 
tian purity,  they  would  no  doubt  have  met  with  many 
trials  and  continual  annoyances,  but  their  influence 
might  possibly  have  been  much  increased  and  their 
example  would  have  aided  not  only  the  cause  of  re- 
ligion but  the  actual  prosperity  of  the  state.  How- 
ever it  seemed  best  to  the  African  episcopate  for  the 
clergy  to  separate  themselves  from  the  rest  of  their 
fellow-citizens  and  to  follow  a  distinct  rule  of  life, 
although  many  Christians  managed  to  hold  important 
and  honourable  positions  in  the  state  without  falling 
away  from  their  religious  duty. 

The  theatre  and  all  connected  with  it  was  in  Africa 
and  elsewhere  especially  marked  out  for  the  Church's 
censure.  No  cleric  and  no  member  of  his  family  might 
witness  a  secular  play ;  no  performance  was  to  take 
place  on  Sundays  or  feast-days,  and  no  actor,  who  had 
given  up  his  profession  on  his  conversion,  was  to  be 
forced  to  return  to  his  old  calling \  The  dress  of  the 
clergy  was  to  be  plain  and  unassuming,  and  they  were 
not  to  waste  their  time  by  trimming  their  hair  or 
beards 2.  They  were  not  to  go  to  inns  unless  they  were 
travelling^;  they  were  not  to  be  seen  in  the  forum 
except  on  business ^  and  they  were  not  to  under- 
take a  journey  unless  their  duty  called  them,  and  even 
then  only  by  permission  of  the  diocesan.     The  bishops 

1  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  §  11 ;   Council  of  Carthage,  398,  §  8  ; 
401,  §§  5—7. 

2  Council  of  Carthage,  398,  §§  44—5. 

3  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  §  26. 

^  Council  of  Carthage,  398,  §§  47—8. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO    398  A.D.  33 

whilst  legislating  for  the  clergy  did  not  fail  to  subject 
themselves  to  severe  restrictions,  and  if  they  crossed 
the  seas  the  primate  of  their  province  must  consent 
and  must  issue  formal  '  litterae  formatae'  to  them\ 
At  home  they  were  to  live  quiet  lives,  supporting 
themselves  by  their  own  exertions,  but  not  entering 
upon  any  trade  for  the  sake  of  growing  rich  I  To  take- 
interest  for  their  money  or  to  act  as  the  business  agents 
of  others  was  especially  forbidden  them,  and  they  were 
not  to  devote  the  energy,  consecrated  to  higher  objects, 
to  mere  secular  employments^ 

Like  all  other  branches  of  the  early  Church  the 
Africans  set  a  very  high  value  upon  celibacy.  Second 
marriages  were  regarded  with  disfavour,  and  widows 
were  encouraged  to  devote  themselves  to  chastity.  To 
the  unmarried  the  glories  of  a  virgin  life  were  continu- 
ally dwelt  upon.  The  question  of  the  marriage  of  the 
clergy  was  a  more  difficult  one.  At  first  all  ranks  seem 
to  have  been  allowed  to  marry,  but  gradually  the 
Church  changed  its  policy.  In  the  Popedom  of  either 
Siricius  or  of  Zosimus,  a  synod  held  at  Telepte  ordered 
that  no  ecclesiastic  should  marry  a  widow,  and  that  a 
layman  who  had  done  so  could  never  be  admitted  to 
even  the  lowest  orders  ;  moreover  if  "  priests  or  Levites  " 
had  wives,  they  were  to  love  them  as  sisters  and  live 
with  them  as  such.  This  last  canon  was  evidently  almost 
impossible  to  carry  out,  though  the  Codex  Canonum 
went  so  far  as  to  decree  the  deposition  of  bishops,  priests 

1  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  §  27  ;  Council  of  Carthage,  405  ;  407,  §  12. 
-  Council  of  Carthage,  398,  §§  51—3. 

a  Councils  of  Carthage,  345,  §§  8,  9,  13,  6,  and  Hippo,  393,  §§  15, 
22  ;  Archbp  Benson,  Cyprian.    His  life.    His  times.    His  work. 

H.  3 


34     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

and  deacons  who  had  transgressed  it^  On  the  other  hand, 
the  force  of  human  nature  was  recognised,  and  as  it  was 
acknowledged  that  some  men  were  weak,  the  Council  of 
Hippo  of  393  directed  the  "lectores,"  as  soon  as  they 
reached  the  age  of  puberty,  to  choose  definitely  between 
immediate  marriage  and  lifelong  celibacy^. 

There  was  indeed  much  need  of  stringent  regulation 
upon  this  point.  Carthage,  it  has  already  been  said, 
was  particularly  prone  to  the  vice  of  incontinence. 
Unfortunate  incidents  had  even  happened  in  the  Church 
itself,  and  the  overzealous  character  of  the  Africans  led 
them  to  expose  themselves  to  dangers,  from  which 
prudence  would  have  made  them  flee^.  The  consecrated 
virgins  did  not  always  live  together,  and  sometimes 
shared  the  same  house  with  young  ecclesiastics,  thus 
laying  themselves  open  to  scandalous,  if  unfounded, 
charges.  Several  councils  had  their  attention  called  to 
this  matter  and  canons  were  passed  ordering  all  women, 
who  had  solemnly  renounced  marriage,  and  whose  parents 
were  dead,  to  live  with  respectable  women,  appointed 
by  the  bishop  or  priests  ^  The  unmarried  clergy  of 
the  inferior  orders  were  not  to  visit  them  except  by 
their  diocesan's  permission,  and  then  not  alone ;  while 
even  bishops  and  priests  if  they  went  to  see  them  were 
to  be  accompanied  by  other  ecclesiastics  or  by  persons 
of  reputed 

Even  in  common  honesty  the  African  clergy  some- 
times fell  short  of  the  standard  of  Christian  morality. 

1  Councils  of  Telepte,  §  9  ;  Carthage,  357—90,  §  3  ;  401,  §  4  ;  Codex 
Canon.  §  25. 

2  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  §  18.  3  Gibbon,  ch.  xv. 
4  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  §  31.                  ^  jj^i^^  §§  ig^  24. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  35 

Cyprian  complained  that  some  of  his  brethren  were 
guilty  of  fraud  and  peculation,  and  of  cheating  the 
widows,  who  had  entrusted  them  with  their  property, 
and  that  others  were  so  ignorant  that  they  could  not 
teach  the  catechumens  or  distinguish  heresy  from 
orthodox  doctrines'.  Later  on  trouble  arose  through 
the  jealousy  of  the  clergy  and  the  encroachments  of 
bishops  upon  the  diocese  of  their  neighbours ;  canons 
had  to  be  decreed  forbidding  any  prelate  to  be  the 
"  intercessor "  of  a  vacant  see  for  more  than  one  year, 
and  Bishop  Cresconius  of  Villa  Regia  was  threatened 
with  the  civil  power  for  holding  unlawfully  the  see  of 
Tubunal  Moreover  both  bishops  and  priests  were 
inclined  to  treat  the  property  of  the  Church  as  their  own 
and  to  dispose  of  it  as  they  pleased.  The  Councils  of 
Carthage  in  398^  in  September  401  ^  in  421 '^  prohibited 
any  sale  of  such  goods  without  the  consent  of  the 
diocesan  and  his  clergy.  The  Church  went  so  far  as  to 
declare  that  if  an  ecclesiastic  without  property  at  his 
ordination  was  afterwards  found  to  be  rich,  the  burden 
of  the  proof  that  his  wealth  was  honestly  gained  rested 
with  him.  If  he  could  shew  that  his  money  was  fairly 
his,  he  might  use  it  as  he  liked,  provided  he  publicly 
declared  how  he  intended  to  employ  it. 

Evidently  some  of  the  clergy  were  totally  unfit  for 
their  high  office,  and  in  two  cases  criminal  bishops  were 
deposed  by  the  provincial  councils.     Bishop  Equitius  of 

^  Diet.  CJiristian  Biography,  art.  'Cyprian.' 

-  Councils  of  Carthage,  345,  §  10  ;  387,  §  11 ;  Hippo,  393,  §  2 ; 
Carthage,  897,  §  1  ;  401,  §§  9,  11. 

^  Canons,  31,  2.  •*  Canon,  o. 

5  Canon,  4 ;  9—10  ;  Codex  Canonum,  §§  32—3. 

3—2 


36     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

Hippo  Diarrhytus  was  warned  by  the  two  Councils  of 
Carthage,  held  in  401,  and  was  deprived  by  the  Council 
of  404  \  Anton,  Bishop  of  Fussala,  was  guilty  of  the 
grossest  fraud  and  extortion,  and  was  punished  in  the 
same  way  by  the  Numidian  synod  of  423^.  Even  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fourth  century  the  conduct  of  the 
Donatists  and  of  Purpurius  bishop  of  Limata  proves  the 
utter  lack  of  Christian  virtue  in  the  less  civilised  parts  of 
Africa,  for  the  prelate  feared  not  to  boast  in  a  provincial 
synod  that  he  had  slain  his  sister's  son  and  threatened 
to  treat  in  the  same  way  all  who  opposed  him^. 

In  spite  of  all  these  failures  the  African  Church  in 
the  early  part  of  the  5th  century  progressed,  as  indeed 
it  could  hardly  fail  to  do  under  the  guidance  of  the 
combined  genius  and  piety  of  St  Augustine  and  of  those 
who  came  under  his  powerful  influence.  Some  of  its 
clergy  and  even  of  its  bishops  might  be  unworthy  ;  the 
town  population  might  scoff  at  its  simplicity  and  purity; 
the  country  people  might  cling  to  their  idols ;  but  for 
all  that  the  cause  of  Christ  was  steadily  winning  its  way 
in  the  province  until  it  met  its  first  great  trial  in  the 
Vandal  persecution.  The  organization  of  the  Church 
and  its  bold  resistance  to  the  evils  of  the  day  prove  its 
vitality.  In  the  thirty  years  before  the  coming  of 
Gaiseric,  the  African  Christians  were  able  almost  to 
annihilate  Donatism,  to  cripple  Manichaeism,  and  to 
cast  out  the  Pelagians.  They  could  appeal  with  con- 
fidence to  the  secular  authorities  for  aid,  and  many  of 
the  highest  officials  in  the  time  of  the  Vandals  were 
prepared  to  risk  their  all  for  their  Faith.     Evidently 

1  Hefele,  Vol.  ii.  p.  440.  2  n^i^^  p_  430. 

^  Optatus,  de  Schisin.  Donat.  iii.  8. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  37 

then  the  Church,  in  spite  of  many  difficulties  and  much 
discouragement,  had  steadily  gained  ground  amongst 
the  very  classes  with  whom  the  luxury  of  the  Roman 
world  is  chiefly  associated.  Even  the  crimes,  against 
which  the  canons  were  directed,  bespeak  the  success  of 
Christianity,  and  many  of  the  failings  of  the  clergy  are 
such  as  are  almost  inevitably  engendered  by  prosperity. 
If  the  system  of  celibacy  caused  abuses,  its  existence 
proves  the  Church's  influence.  If  some  of  the  priests 
and  bishops  were  guilty  of  fraud,  the  riches  to  be 
embezzled  must  have  been  great  to  make  men  risk 
their  temporal  and  spiritual  positions  for  the  sake  of  a 
doubtful  gain.  Moreover,  whenever  crimes  were  com- 
mitted, they  received  a  prompt  reproof  from  the 
ecclesiastical  synods,  which  met  frequently  to  correct 
abuses. 

The  sy nodical  organization  of  the  African  Church 
was  brought  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency  by  its  fourfold 
character :  the  diocese,  the  province,  the  episcopate,  and 
the  entire  country  having  each  its  peculiar  assembly. 
The  clergy  consulted  with  their  bishop  in  the  "  con- 
ventus"  or  "compresbyterium."  The  provincial  bishops 
met  every  year  in  Lent  and  Autumn.  Except  Tripoli, 
whose  poverty  forbade  it  to  send  more  than  one,  every 
province  elected  two  representative  bishops  to  serve  on 
a  committee  to  be  summoned  for  special  business, 
while  a  general  council  of  the  whole  of  Africa  was 
assembled  at  Carthage  on  August  23  in  every  year,  at 
which  all  the  prelates  were  expected  to  be  presents 
However,    it   was    found    that    this   annual   gathering 

1  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  Can.  5  ;  Council  of  Carthage,  418,  Can.  19. 
I2nd  Council  of  Carthage,  401,  Canon  8. 


38     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

imposed  too  great  a  burden  on  the  episcopate,  and  it 
was  ordained  that  it  was  only  to  meet  when  there  was 
real  need  for  it,  and  that  all  provincial  matters  were  to 
be  settled  as  far  as  possible  by  the  provincial  synods^. 

In  other  matters  the  organization  of  the  African 
Church  was  not  so  happy.  The  diocesan  system  was 
profoundly  affected  by  a  trait  in  the  national  character, 
which  still  finds  its  counterpart  among  the  Berbers 
of  Morocco  and  Tunis.  When  the  province  was  first 
converted  and  as  long  as  the  persecutions  lasted  this 
local  hero-worship  exalted  the  martyrs  and  confessors 
to  an  unreasonable  importance.  In  the  time  of 
TertuUian  the  reconciliation  of  excommunicated  per- 
sons through  the  intercession  of  confessors  had 
become  a  regular  custom,  and  had  already  been 
abused  by  the  wholesale  pardoning  of  the  worst 
criminals-.  In  the  time  of  Cyprian  the  sufferers  in 
the  Decian  persecution  claimed  even  more  power  than 
the  clergy.  The  lapsed,  whether  "  libellatici "  or 
"  thurificati,"  asked  their  aid  for  readmission  to  the 
Church  they  had  betrayed;  while  some  of  the  confessors 
became  so  puffed  up  by  adulation  that  they  issued 
pardons  to  include  not  only  the  man  mentioned 
but  all  his  unnamed  friends ^  Finally,  the  bishops 
were  solemnly  ordered  in  the  name  of  all  the  confessors 
to  reinstate  at  once  all  the  lapsed.  Later  on  we  find 
that  as  in  the  third  century  this  excessive  reverence 
caused  the  schism  of  Felicissimus  and  Novatius,  so  at  the 

1  Council  of  Carthage,  409,  Canon  1.     For  the  whole  question  of 
African  Synods  see  Dissertation  by  Garner  in  Migne's  Patrologia. 

2  Tertull.  ad  Martyres,  %  l;  de  Pudicitia,  §  22. 

3  Cypr.  Ep.  XX.  "Communicet  ille  cum  suis." 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO    398  A.D.  39 

beginning  of  the  fourth  no  small  part  of  the  bitterness  of 
the  Donatist  party  was  excited  by  the  well-meant  effort 
of  Mensurius  and  Caecilian  to  check  the  exaggerated 
importance  given  to  the  imprisoned  confessors.  The 
sixth  Carthaginian  synod,  held  on  the  13th  of  Septem- 
ber, 401,  had  to  protest  against  the  multiplication  of 
chapels  to  martyrs  and  decree  that  they  should  not  be 
built  except  to  contain  relics  or  at  any  place  intimately 
associated  with  the  life  of  the  saint  \  The  fantastic 
suicides  of  the  Circumcelliones,  and  the  caution  exercised 
by  the  Vandal  persecutors  to  check  this  tendency  prove 
how  truly  characteristic  and  how  fully  recognised  it  was 
in  the  religious  life  of  Africa-. 

But  this  intense  hero-worship  had  still  more  impor- 
tant consequences  than  the  adulation  of  martyrs.  It 
profoundly  affected  the  whole  organization  of  the 
African  Church.  It  led  to  the  foundation  of  innumer- 
able small  dioceses,  each  of  which  had  sufficient 
patriotism  to  resist  strenuously  any  interference  with 
their  own  autonomy,  however  well-meant  or  necessary. 
Already  in  the  days  of  St  Cyprian  it  was  possible  to 
collect  together  nearly  90  bishops  in  council,  but  in 
later  times  the  sees  seem  to  have  multiplied  enor- 
mously. In  411,  at  the  great  Council  of  Carthage 
against  the  Donatists,  565  bishops  were  present,  28G 
being  Catholics  and  279  Donatists.  Again,  in  A.D.  483 
when  Hunneric  summoned  all  the  Catholic  episcopate 
to  plead  their  case  against  the  Arians,  466  bishops 
appeared  at  Carthage^.    It  seems  to  have  been  the  habit 

1  Canon  17.  -  Victor  Vitensis,  i,  14,  et  passim. 

3  See  Notitia  appended  to  Victor  Vitensis  in  the  Corjms  Scriptorum 
Eccl. 


40     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

to  consecrate  a  bishop  to  any  place  which  contained  a 
congregation  of  even  moderate  proportions,  and  in  387 
;  the  council  held  at  Carthage  attempted  to  check  this 
tendency  by  ordering  that  no  new  sees  should  be 
created  ^  It  was  impossible  to  stop  the  practice,  and 
twenty  years  later  another  council  of  Carthage  passed 
a  canon  declaring  that,  before  an  additional  diocese 
€ould  be  set  up,  the  consent  of  the  Primate,  of  the 
Provincial  Synod  and  of  the  bishop  on  whose  jurisdic- 
tion the  new  see  would  encroach,  must  be  obtained^ 
On  the  other  hand,  to  forbid  all  multiplication  of 
dioceses  would  have  meant  great  hindrance  to  the  work 
of  the  Church;  for  the  need  of  more  bishops  increased 
with  the  spread  of  Christianity.  St  Augustine  himself 
established  the  see  of  Fussala  in  428.  The  Donatists 
had  been  especially  strong  there,  but  his  determined 
efforts  had  regained  the  district  for  Catholicism,  and  as 
it  was  too  far  from  Hippo  to  permit  of  his  personal 
supervision,  he  obtained  the  leave  of  his  Primate  and 
carved  the  new  diocese  out  of  the  territory  of  his  own 
see^ 

Although  the  supporters  of  this  system  could  point 
to  the  example  of  the  great  Bishop  of  Hippo,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  on  the  whole  the  precedent  was  a  bad 
one.  It  was  very  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  ensure 
a  proper  standard  of  education,  probity  and  morality 
amongst  so  large  an  episcopate.  The  failings  of  the 
clergy,  already  noticed,  were  no  doubt  largely  due  to 
this  system,  and  its  bad  effects  were  increased  by 
another    peculiarity    of    the    African    Church.      The 

1  Canon  5.  ^  Canon  4. 

3  St  Augustine,  Ep.  209. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH  TO   398  A.D.  41 

Primates  of  the  provinces  were  appointed,  not  by 
merit  but  by  seniority.  In  every  province,  except 
Proconsularis,  the  senior  member  of  the  episcopate,  or 
"Senex"  as  he  was  called,  held  the  Primacy  as  a  matter 
of  course^ ;  the  age,  infirmity  or  other  unfitness  of  a 
bishop,  the  insigniticance  or  remoteness  of  his  see, 
were  no  obstacles  to  his  appointment,  and  not  even 
Gregory  the  Great  could  get  this  curious  system 
altered-.  The  only  exception  to  this  rule  was  the 
province  of  Proconsularis.  Here  the  Bishop  of  Car- 
thage was  always  Primate ;  indeed  he  wielded  an 
authority  over  the  whole  African  Church ;  to  him  all 
disputes  about  the  appointments  of  other  Primates 
were  to  be  brought ^  and  by  him  the  election  of  all 
bishops  and  their  translation  from  one  diocese  to  another 
had  to  be  approved  \ 

This  unique  system  had  unique  results.  The  most 
influential  bishop  was  by  no  means  always  the  nominal 
Primate.  St  Augustine  was  never  Primate  of  Nu- 
midia ;  St  Fulgcntius  was  only  Bishop  of  Ruspe ;  yet 
both  profoundly  aflfected  the  course  of  African  Chris- 
tianity. In  fact  under  this  system  the  divorce  between 
real  and  nominal  power  was  often  complete  and  great 
jealousies  constantly  arose.  In  the  days  of  Gregory 
the  Great  the  influence  of  his  friend  Columbus  far 
exceeded  that  of  the  Primate,  and  his  close  relation 
with  the  Pope  brought  on  him  the  greatest  odium.  If 
position  and  authority  had  coincided  in  his  case  much  of 

^  Bingham,  Antiquities  of  the  Christian  Church,  ii.  xvi.  G. 

2  Epp.  i.  74,  77. 

3  Council  of  Hippo,  393,  Canon  4  (1st  Series). 
■*  Council  of  Carthage,  397,  Canon  7. 


42      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

this  would  have  been  avoided  ;  but  the  system  was  at 
fault,  and  those  who  tried  to  provide  a  remedy  only 
laid  themselves  open  to  misconception  and  failure. 

In  later  times  a  means  of  correcting  the  errors  of  a 
Church  existed,  which  had  not  yet  been  fully  established. 
In  the  fifth  century  the  Pope  had  not  obtained  the  great 
powers  over  all  Catholics  which  he  wielded  later,  and 
Africa  in  particular  regarded  his  claims  with  suspicion. 
About  the  year  418  a  case  arose  in  the  Proconsular 
province  which  clearly  defined  the  relations  between 
Carthage  and  Eome.  Bishop  Urban  of  Sicca  had 
deposed  a  priest  named  Apiarius  for  very  serious 
crimes ;  the  accused  appealed  to  Pope  Zosimus  and 
was  reinstated  by  him.  The  General  Council  of  Africa, 
which  met  on  May  1st,  418,  at  once  passed  a  canon 
forbidding  any  cleric  below  the  rank  of  bishop  to  appeal 
across  the  sea.  Zosimus  despatched  Bishop  Faustinus 
of  Potentina  and  two  priests  to  protest  against  this 
decision  and  to  demand  that  the  Church  of  Africa 
should  allow  bishops,  condemned  by  their  provincial 
councils,  to  appeal  to  Rome,  and  priests  and  deacons 
condemned  by  their  own  diocesans,  to  appeal  to  the 
other  prelates  of  the  neighbourhood.  These,  said  the 
legates,  were  canons  passed  by  the  Council  of  Nicaea. 

The  African  bishops  were  not  convinced  that  these 
canons  were  genuine,  and  the  Council  of  Carthage  of 
419  ordered  an  application  to  be  made  to  the  Churches 
of  Constantinople,  Alexandria  and  Antioch  for  authentic 
versions  of  the  decrees  of  Nicaea.  Meanwhile  through 
reverence  for  Rome  the  canons  were  temporarily  ac- 
cepted, and  Apiarius  was  permitted  to  resume  his  priestly 
functions,  although  to  avoid  scandal  he  was  not  allowed 


THE    AFRICAN    CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  43 

to  minister  again  in  Sicca.  Unfortunately  for  the  Pope 
the  investigation  shewed  that  Carthage  was  right  and 
Rome  was  wrong ;  neither  St  Cyril  of  Alexandria  n(jr 
Bishop  Atticus  of  Constantinople  admitted  that  these 
canons  had  been  passed  at  Nicaea,  and  it  was  dis- 
covered that  they  were  taken  from  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  Sardica  of  343.  Moreover,  the  conduct  of 
Faustinus  and  Apiarius  was  not  calculated  to  soothe 
the  Church  of  Africa  into  a  yielding  mood.  The  former 
angered  the  Carthaginian  bishops  by  his  insolence ; 
the  latter  asked  the  help  of  Boniface  and  Celestine, 
the  successors  of  Zosimus,  in  his  reinstatement  at  Sicca, 
though  he  had  admitted  the  truth  of  the  terrible  accu- 
sations against  him.  Consequently  the  Council  of 
Carthage  of  424  wrote  to  Celestine  asking  the  recall 
of  Faustinus,  repudiating  the  so-called  Nicene  Canons, 
and  declaring  that  appeals  to  Rome  were  an  attack  on 
the  rights  of  the  African  Church. 

So  ended  the  controversy.  The  last  Council  at 
which  the  affair  was  discussed  was  held  only  four  years 
before  the  Vandal  invasion,  and  while  the  influence  of 
St  Augustine  was  at  its  prime.  Position  and  historical 
prestige  might  belong  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome ;  repu- 
tation and  moral  weight  rested  with  the  Bishop  of 
Hippo.  What  result  would  have  ensued  if  the  circum- 
stances of  the  time  and  the  influence  of  the  two  leaders 
had  been  different,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  Later  on 
when  the  Arian  invaders  had  destroyed  the  organization 
of  the  Catholics  of  Carthage,  the  advice  and  aid  of  the 
Pope  was  sought  with  much  greater  earnestness ;  but 
at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  it  is  clear  that 
the  claims  of  Rome  met  with  little  encouragement  in 


44     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

Africa.  What  the  Pope  could  claim  through  the 
€anons  of  the  CEcumenical  Councils,  he  got ;  and  his 
advice  was  treated  with  respect ;  but  further  than  that 
Africa  would  not  go,  and  it  asserted  the  absolute  right 
to  manage  its  own  affairs  after  its  own  fashion  ^ 

The  African  Church  in  thus  repudiating  all  external 
interference,  and  with  such  a  loose  internal  constitution, 
had  ample  scope  to  display  the  two  qualities  which 
particularly  mark  its  early  history.  On  the  one  hand 
it  shewed  the  most  intense  conviction,  on  the  other 
the  wildest  intolerance.  Though  closely  connected, 
these  characteristics  produced  the  most  different  re- 
sults. The  noble  stedfastness  which  could  support 
St  Perpetua  in  the  hour  of  her  death,  and  the  zealous 
faith  which  made  hundreds  prefer  martyrdom  to 
apostasy,  rooted  Christianity  firmly  in  Africa ;  but  the 
narrow  fanaticism,  which  made  some  condemn  Cyprian 
and  Caecilian,  the  mad  zeal,  which  rent  the  Church  by 
schisms,  and  provoked  the  fanatic  violence  of  the  Cir- 
€uracelliones,  did  incalculable  harm. 

The  intolerance  of  the  Africans  made  their  country 
the  soil  from  which  schism  first  sprang  into  being. 
The  two  first  schisms  arose  in  Carthage :  the  earliest 
during  the  episcopate  of  St  C}^rian,  which  when  trans- 
planted to  Rome  was  known  as  Novatianism,  and  this 
was  followed  by  the  so-called  Donatist  schism,  which 
arose  on  the  question  of  the  power  of  a  bishop  who  had 
denied  the  Faith  to  confer  the  apostolical  succession.  The 
motives  of  the  schismatics  were  not  wholly  unworthy  and 
in  judging  their  action  allowance  must  be  made  for  one 

1  For  this  controversy,  see  Hefele,  Vol.  ii.  pages  463 — 7,  476 — 8, 
and  128,  137. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  45 

of  the  most  cherished  convictions  of  the  Africans,  who 
believed  most  strongly  that  the  validity  of  a  sacrament 
depended  directly  on  the  character  and  orthodoxy  of 
the  officiating  minister.  If  the  priest  or  bishop  were 
excommunicate,  all  sacerdotal  acts  done  by  him  were 
ipso  facto  null  and  void  ;  and  the  feeling  of  anxiety 
amongst  the  mass  of  the  Christians  of  Africa,  when 
they  heard  grave  charges  brought  against  the  Primate 
of  their  Church  was  naturally  intense.  Undoubtedly 
such  feeling  animated  the  best  of  the  followers  of 
Novatian  and  Donatus,  but  unfortunately,  in  both  cases, 
other  and  less  worthy  motives  seem  to  have  been  at 
work  among  the  leaders  of  these  schisms.  If  for 
example  it  was  quite  clear  that  Felicissimus  had 
no  need  to  fear  a  rigorous  enquiry  into  his  trusteeship 
of  the  Church  funds,  his  credit  would  be  much  higher, 
for  in  his  case  there  was  a  real  excuse  for  at  least 
an  examination  of  the  conduct  of  the  Bishop  of 
Carthage.  There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  Cyprian 
acted  wisely  and  prudently  in  fleeing  from  the  heat  of 
the  persecution ;  nor  were  there  in  the  later  affair  of 
Caecilian  any  certain  proofs  of  the  guilt  of  his  con- 
secrators.  But  at  the  same  time  it  is  most  important 
to  remember  the  African  point  of  view,  and  to 
realise  that  a  man  who  thinks  that  the  efficacy  of 
the  sacraments  depends  on  the  personal  purity  of  the 
priest  must  have  looked  upon  the  charges  against  the 
heads  of  his  Church  ^vith  the  utmost  horror  and 
alarm. 

Xovatianism  and  Donatism  though  springing  from 
similar  causes  had  very  different  endings  ;  Cyprian  was 
soon  able  to  suppress  the  former ;  the  latter  probably 


46     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

existed  for  four  hundred  years.  For  the  stern  discipline 
of  Novatian  found  uncongenial  soil  in  Africa,  and 
Cyprian  by  his  wise  moderation  and  gradual  restora- 
tion of  the  lapsed  made  the  return  to  the  Church  as 
easy  as  he  could  for  the  followers  of  Felicissimus. 
Moreover,  the  actual  state  of  affairs  in  Carthage  afforded 
no  excuse  for  the  establishment  of  a  new  Church  on 
the  basis  of  no  compromise  with  the  pagan  persecutors. 
Nearly  all  the  Christians  had  complied  in  one  way  or 
another  with  the  demands  of  the  government,  and  in 
the  time  of  peril  it  had  been  difficult  to  find  enough 
priests  to  perform  the  dail}^  services.  It  was  absurd 
for  such  men  to  condemn  Cyprian  for  his  flight,  and 
many  of  them  viewed  with  the  utmost  anxiety  the 
setting  up  of  a  rival  episcopate.  The  mercy  of  Cyprian 
was  therefore  gladly  received,  and  when  in  258  the 
great  bishop  sealed  his  faith  with  his  blood,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  sectarians  was  finally  checked.  In  other 
countries  Novatianism  shewed  much  vitality,  but  in  the 
land  of  its  birth  it  was  already  dead. 

In  sharp  contrast  to  the  rapid  decline  of  this  schism 
is  the  history  of  the  temporary  success  of  Donatism. 
Perhaps  the  want  of  a  great  man  to  nip  the  revolt  in 
the  bud,  perhaps  the  slackening  of  discipline  as  the 
Church  grew  in  size  was  the  cause  of  its  rapid  spread, 
but  for  one  reason  or  another  the  followers  of  Donatus 
became  so  numerous  that  they  threatened  to  absorb 
altogether  the  orthodox  Church. 

In  tracing  the  causes  of  the  extinction  of  African 
Christianity  there  is  no  need  to  go  at  length  into  the 
wearisome  story  of  this  great  schism ;  for  it  is  a  great 
but  not  uncommon  error  to  pronounce  it  one  of  the  chief 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   398  A.D.  47 

reasons  for  the  fall  of  the  Church,  Donatism  was  at 
its  full  prosperity  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century ; 
African  Christianity  was  not  ruined  till  the  end  of  the 
seventh  century.  The  three  hundred  years  that  inter- 
vened were  full  of  the  most  momentous  events,  which 
had  far  more  influence  upon  the  destruction  of  the 
Church  than  the  progress  of  the  schism  or  the  crimes 
of  its  supporters.  Indeed  the  prosperity  of  Donatism 
was  comparatively  short-lived,  and  by  the  time  of  the 
Vandals  was  nearly  extinct ;  the  efforts  of  St  Augustine 
and  its  own  excesses  had  crushed  its  strength,  and  the  few 
remnants  of  the  great  party  that  survived  in  Numidia  in 
the  days  of  the  first  Gregory  were  too  small  to  be  of  any 
account. 

The  Donatist  schism  has  however  an  interest  quite 
distinct  from  its  actual  merits  and  its  theological 
aspect.  Viewed  from  the  political  standpoint  it  stands 
revealed  as  meaning  much  more  than  an  ecclesiastical 
quarrel.  It  seems  to  be  the  expression  of  the  antagon-  \ 
ism  of  national  interests  and  characters,  which  found  an 
easier  outlet  in  the  loosely-knit  fabric  of  the  Church 
than  it  could  ever  have  had  in  the  political  organization 
of  the  Roman  Empire.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
century  the  form  of  Christianity  was  not  yet  settled, 
and  it  was  even  doubtful  whether  the  state  would 
abandon  paganism ;  on  the  other  hand  there  was  small 
hope  of  success  for  a  people  rebelling  against  the  might 
of  the  Empire.  The  field  of  theology  became  therefore 
the  battle-ground  of  nations.  Arianism  was  the  creed 
of  the  Teutons  ;  Catholicism  of  Rome.  The  victory  of 
the  first  would  have  implied  not  only  a  theological 
but  a  political  change,  and  the  success  of  the  latter 


48     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

shewed  that  with  all  its  spreading  decay  the  Empire 
was  still  able  to  defeat  its  enemies. 

The  rise  of  Donatism  in  such  circumstances  orave  it 
its  larger  meaning.  At  first  merely  a  protest  against  the 
irregular  ordination  of  Caecilian  as  Bishop  of  Carthage, 
closely  akin  to  the  history  of  Novatianism,  it  gradually 
widened  out  until  it  assumed  the  character  of  the 
partisan  creed  of  all  who  harboured  Moorish  sentiments 
and  dissatisfaction  with  the  established  regime.  Even 
at  its  birth  the  schism  drew  its  chief  strength  from 
Numidia,  one  of  the  least  Romanized  parts  of  Africa. 
The  opposition  to  Mensurius  and  Caecilian  was  begun 
by  the  provincial  council  of  Cirta,  under  the  leadership 
of  Secundus,  Bishop  of  Tigisis,  and  the  summons  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Church  of  Carthage  before  this  assembly 
was  practically,  if  not  as  yet  deliberately,  an  attempt 
to  expose  ecclesiastics  of  the  ruling  race  to  the  censure 
of  the  provincials.  In  a  few  more  years  the  Donatists 
had  received  very  questionable  allies.  The  Circum- 
celliones  were  Roman  subjects  only  in  name.  They 
spoke  Punic  alone,  and  it  was  into  that  language 
that  St  Augustine  proposed  his  discussion  with  Bishop 
Crispinus  of  Calama  should  be  translated,  when  he 
wished  to  reach  the  ears  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
party ^  Their  violence  and  blind  fanaticism  proclaims 
them  largely  Moorish  in  blood,  and  they  were  probably 
sprung  from  those  semi-barbarian  peasants  and  moun- 
taineers who  formed  the  connecting  link  between  the 
inhabitants  of  the  sea-coast  and  the  uncivilized  Berbers 
of  the  frontiers.    The  Donatist  party  therefore  included 

1  Aug.  Ep.  66. 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH  TO   398  A.D.  49 

a  very  large  Moorish  element,  and  its  hatred  of  Catho- 
licism was  bound  up  and  strengthened  by  the  national 
dislike  of  the  Roman  rule.  It  seems,  moreover,  to  have 
gained  great  strength  under  the  tyrannies  of  Firmus 
and  Gildo,  and  had  become  so  numerous  that  its 
members  were  estimated  as  more  than  the  Catholics. 
Probably  the  leaders  of  the  national  party  found  it  to 
their  interest  to  champion  the  cause  of  the  Donatists 
against  the  Catholics,  and  at  any  rate  the  edict  of 
Honorius,  issued  as  soon  as  he  recovered  his  power, 
against  the  violators  of  the  Catholics,  proves  that  he 
regarded  the  defence  of  the  orthodox  as  most  im- 
portant to  the  State. 

But  Donatism  may  be  regarded  from  a  social  and 
economic  as  well  as  from  a  political  aspect.  Like 
the  Socialism  and  Anarchism  of  the  present  day  it 
attracted  all  those  discontented  with  their  lot.  Bank- 
rupts, runaway  slaves  and  fraudulent  debtors  swelled  its 
ranks  and  tried  to  destroy  the  records  against  them- 
selves by  pillaging  and  ravaging  in  the  sacred  name  of 
religion \  It  became  the  gathering  in  which  all  that 
was  unwholesome  and  corrupt  in  the  State  came  to 
a  head,  and  it  embodied  in  its  ranks  every  evil  thing 
which  the  decaying  social  condition  of  the  Empire  had 
produced.  Amongst  such  men,  opposed  to  all  law  and 
order,  the  grossest  immorality  prevailed ;  and  in  their 
company  were  found  '  troops  of  homeless  women  who 
declined  matrimony,  that  the}'  might  avoid  restraint-.' 

The  victory  of  Donatism  would  have  implied  not 
merely  a  religious  but  a  social  and  political  revolution, 

(  1  Aug.,  Ep.  185,  iv.  15.  =  Aug.,  Kp.  35,  §  2. 

H.  4 


50     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

and  it  could  expect  no  greater  mercy  from  the  Em- 
perors than  it  obtained.  At  its  very  beginning,  before 
it  had  assumed  more  than  a  theological  aspect,  Constan- 
tine,  perhaps  thinking  Christianity  should  be  as  much 
subject  to  the  Emperor  as  Paganism,  had  punished 
the  schismatics,  like  rebels,  with  death.  Constans, 
angered  at  the  excesses  of  the  Circumcelliones,  and 
their  refusal  of  his  clemency,  drove  them  from  the 
province.  Valentinian,  Gratian  and  Theodosius  issued 
edict  after  edict  against  them  and  the  whole  machinery 
of  the  Roman  power  was  employed  to  crush  the  turbu- 
lent sect  which  threatened  the  province  with  a  reign  of 
immorality  and  rapine. 

While  the  State  attacked  it  in  the  name  of  social 
order,  it  now  met  its  greatest  opponent  in  the  champion 
of  theology  and  religious  orthodoxy.  In  391,  St  Augus- 
tine went  to  Hippo;  two  years  later  he  was  chosen 
to  preach  the  sermon  before  the  Council  of  Hippo ;  and 
in  395  was  ordained  bishop  as  coadjutor  to  the  aged 
Valerius.  He  had  already  begun  his  long  literary  war- 
fare against  the  power  of  the  Donatists  with  his 
"  Psalmus  contra  partem  Donati,"  and  five  years  later 
he  wrote  his  first  book  against  Petilian. 

Yet  though  within  a  quarter  of  a  century  the 
Donatists  were  destined  to  be  almost  swept  away,  there 
seemed  small  hope  at  the  death  of  Theodosius  of  the 
ultimate  triumph  of  Catholicism.  The  failing  power 
of  the  Empire,  the  rising  strength  of  the  Moors,  the 
diminishing  numbers  of  the  orthodox  seemed  to  fore- 
tell the  rapidly  approaching  extinction  of  the  Roman 
influence,  secular  and  ecclesiastical,  in  the  province  of 
Africa.    However  this  was  not  to  be,  and  the  Donatists 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH  TO   398  A.D.  51 

themselves  did  much  to  cause  their  uwu  tail.  The 
usual  fate  of  schismatics  overtook  them  and  schism 
begat  schism.  In  breaking  away  from  the  Catholic 
Church,  on  conscientious  grounds,  they  had  established 
a  precedent,  the  validity  of  which  it  was  hard  for  them 
to  deny  if  any  serious  dispute  arose  amongst  them- 
selves. Three  secessions  followed  close  upon  each  other 
and  materially  weakened  their  numbers.  In  370,  the 
Rogatists,  as  the  followers  of  Rogatus  of  Cartenna  were 
called,  separated  from  the  main  body.  In  380  the 
excommunication  of  Tyconius,  the  solitary  philosopher 
belonging  to  this  sect,  was  invested  with  an  importance 
due  to  his  high  character  and  abilities.  In  393,  the 
action  of  Primian,  Donatist  bishop  of  Carthage,  caused 
a  serious  quarrel,  which  resulted  in  the  formation  of 
a  new  sect,  called  after  their  bishop,  Maximianists. 

It  was  not  however  merely  through  loss  of  numbers 
that  these  divisions  harmed  the  Donatists.  Far  more 
damaging  were  the  opportunities  they  afforded  to  the 
Catholics  of  criticizing  the  mutual  relations  of  the 
various  parties.  In  394,  at  a  great  Donatist  council 
held  at  Bagai,  the  Primianists  had  solenmly  excom- 
municated the  Maximianists  and  decreed  persecution 
against  them.  But  this  was  beyond  their  power,  and 
though  great  atrocities  were  committed  when  the 
Primianists  were  strong,  they  were  forced  to  leave 
unmolested  and  even  to  recognise  some  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Maximianists.  This  opportunist  policy  put 
into  the  hands  of  St  Augustine  a  double-edged  weapon 
which  he  was  far  too  skilled  a  dialectician  to  neglect. 
Again  and  again  he  comments  on  the  inconsistency  of 
the  party  of  no  compromise  in  compromising  with  their 


52     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

opponents^;  again  and  again  he  asks  why  the  Primianists 
repudiate  the  Orders  of  the  Catholics  and  acknowledge 
those  of  the  Maximianists ;  again  and  again  he  urges 
the  State  to  mete  out  to  the  Donatists  the  same 
measure  of  persecution  as  they  had  measured  to  their 
enemies  I  It  was  not  without  success  that  St  Augustine 
threw  himself  heart  and  soul  into  the  fray.  His 
trenchant  criticisms  were  unanswerable  and  he  gained 
many  converts.  The  sight  of  three  separate  sects,  each 
bitterly  hostile  to  the  others  and  each  boasting  that 
they  alone  were  free  from  guilt  as  "  traditores,"  must 
have  awakened  disquieting  thoughts  amongst  all  the 
best  of  the  Donatist  party.  The  prestige  of  the  schism 
was  lost ;  its  political  support  was  gone ;  it  had  to 
rely  solely  on  its  own  inherent  merits  in  contending 
against  the  policy  of  mingled  severity  and  conciliation 
which  St  Augustine  was  now  to  organize. 

One  further  point  about  the  Donatists  is  worth 
noticing ;  they  afford  an  illustration  of  the  turning  of 
evil  into  good  by  the  Almighty  Hand  of  God.  Donatism 
was  deeply  tinged  with  those  national  and  social  sym- 
pathies which  were  peculiarly  suited  to  the  Moorish 
temperament.  The  violence  and  blind  ferocity  of 
the  Circumcelliones  stamp  them  as  having  within 
their  ranks  a  large  number  of  barbarians  without  a 
trace  of  civilization,  and  the  sect  seems  to  have  been 
especially  supported  by  Firmus  and  Gildo,  the  Moorish 
leaders.  Moreover  when  it  was  crushed  and  driven 
from  the  more  cultivated  plains,  it  lingered  on  among 
the  mountains  of  Numidia  and  Mauritania  for  nearly 

1  Epp.  51,  53,  70.  2  £^j^  93, 


THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH   TO   898  A.D.  oS 

two  centuries.  With  all  its  illogicality  and  all  its  ex- 
cesses there  was  something  in  Donatism  which  appealt  d 
especially  to  the  Moors.  It  attracted  those  whom  the 
purer  and  more  regulated  teachings  of  Catholicism 
could  not  reach ;  it  spread  the  Gospel  of  Christ  amongst 
tribes  beyond  the  ken  of  civilization,  and  it  was  the 
first  teacher  of  those  who  were  to  preserve  their  faith 
through  centuries  of  Mahommedan  persecution.  Viewed 
in  this  way  Donatism  would  seem  not  the  weakening 
of  African  Christianity,  but  the  very  means  which 
under  the  guiding  hand  of  God  first  spread  and  then 
strengthened  for  years  of  trial  the  Kingdom  of  Christ. 


CHAPTER   III. 

The  Golden  Age  of  the  African  Church. 

The  thirty  years  between  the  fall  of  Gildo  and  the 
Vandal  invasion  cover  the  most  prosperous  period  in 
the  history  of  the  African  Church  and  are  inseparably 
bound  up  with  the  acts  of  one  great  man.  St  Augus- 
tine of  Hippo,  though  bishop  of  a  provincial  town  of 
the  Koman  Empire,  by  the  sheer  force  of  his  character 
and  intellect  not  only  restored  the  supremacy  to  the 
Catholic  Church  in  Africa,  but  exercised  an  almost 
unbounded  influence  upon  Western  Christendom.  In 
Africa  he  was  not  only  the  fearless  opponent  of  all 
schism  and  heresy,  whether  Donatism,  Pelagianism  or 
Manichaeism,  but  the  patriotic  inspirer  of  a  strenuous 
resistance  to  both  Moorish  and  Vandal  attacks.  His 
influence  in  the  Church,  unequalled  in  his  own  age,  has 
hardly  diminished  in  the  course  of  centuries.  While  he 
lived  his  authority  was  admitted  by  all,  and  he  stirred 
up  the  Church  to  resist  the  heresies  of  Pelagius ;  after 
his  death  his  writings  retained  their  original  value,  and 
to  this  day  are  reckoned  amongst  the  noblest  contribu- 
tions to  Christian  literature.  He  was  fortunate  in  the 
period  in  which  he  lived,  but  he  used  his  opportunities 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE   OF   THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH.      55 

thoroughly  and  well.  He  was  consecrated  a.d.  *3!)1, 
three  years  before  the  restoration  of  Roman  authority 
in  Africa,  and  he  died  two  years  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Vandals  ;  but,  with  the  exception  of  these  five  years, 
the  days  of  his  episcopate  were  on  the  whole  a  time  of 
tranquillity  for  the  province.  But  though  the  state  of 
secular  affairs  was  as  quiet  as  could  be  expected  under 
the  failing  emperors,  there  were  many  enemies  for  the 
ecclesiastical  leaders  to  meet.  Against  all  these  St 
Augustine  waged  a  bitter  war,  and  the  restoration  alike 
of  orthodoxy  and  organization  to  the  African  Church  in 
428  was  almost  entirely  due  to  his  efforts. 

In  398  the  tyranny  of  Gildo  came  to  an  end  and 
a  temporary  prosperity  was  given  to  the  province. 
Under  Gildo  and  Firmus,  its  two  Moorish  leaders,  Africa 
had  been  steadily  falling  into  great  disorder.  For 
twelve  years  licentiousness  and  rapine  had  unbridled 
sway.  To  possess  wealth  or  a  beautiful  wife  was  to  be 
marked  out  for  oppression ;  to  refuse  the  tyrant's 
demands  was  to  court  certain  and  cruel  death.  False 
accusations  or  treacherous  hospitalities  removed  all  who 
opposed  the  despot,  and  their  widows  were  forced  to 
become  his  slaves  and  dancing-girls  or  to  marry  some 
Berber  courtier.  The  very  coloni  were  not  safe  in  their 
obscurity,  and  the  greed  of  Gildo  aud  his  favourites 
turned  many  out  of  their  ancestral  farms \ 

Meanwhile  Donatism  triumphed  on  every  side,  over 
Catholicism,  enlisting  in  its  ranks  all  the  religious, 
social  and  economic  discontent  of  the  province.  At  one 
time  the  schismatics  seemed  destined  to  become  the 

1  Claudian,  Dc  Bcllo  Gildonico,  166,  etc. 


56     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

only  religious  body  in  Africa.  Their  organization  spread 
like  a  net  over  the  whole  province  ;  in  every  village 
they  had  a  priest,  in  every  town  a  bishop,  and  in  the 
uncivilized  border  districts  they  were  exceptionally 
strong.  Whole  congregations  with  their  priests  deserted 
Catholicism  and  the  new  doctrines  had  a  peculiar 
fascination  for  the  young.  There  was  even  a  real  fear 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  keep  up  the  numbers  of 
the  orthodox  priesthood,  and  an  appeal  was  made  to 
Milan  and  Rome  to  fill  the  vacancies  in  the  ranks  of 
the  higher  clergy \ 

However  a  change  soon  came.  The  power  of  Gildo 
crumbled  into  dust  at  the  first  touch  and  the  supremacy 
of  Rome  in  temporal  matters  was  at  once  restored.  To 
restore  Catholic  authority  in  spiritual  affairs  was  much 
more  difficult,  and  many  years  elapsed  before  the  mass 
of  the  provincials  returned  to  the  bosom  of  the  true 
Church. 

The  attack  upon  Donatism  was  twofold,  and  both 
the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  authorities  did  their  best 
to  stamp  out  the  pestilent  schism.  For  the  Roman 
official  regarded  the  followers  of  Donatus  as  much  more 
than  fanatical  partisans  in  an  obscure  disciplinary 
dispute.  He  feared  them  as  determined  supporters  of 
the  national  movement  amongst  the  Moors.  He  saw 
that  they  were  the  opponents  of  established  order,  who 
were  sometimes  guilty  of  the  wildest  acts  of  anarchy  and 
violence.  Debtors  and  runaway  slaves,  half  civilised 
Moors  and  dissolute  women,  wandered  in  bands  through- 
out   the    country,    exacting    money    and    destroying 

1  Council  of  Carthage,  401.     Aug.,  Ej).  61. 


THE  GOLDEN   AGE   OF  THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH.      57 

property  wherever  they  went.  The  Catholics  especially 
were  the  mark  for  their  violence ;  an<l,  where  the 
Donatists  were  strong,  neither  life  nor  wealth  was  secure 
to  those  who  differed  from  them.  In  some  quiet  spot,  far 
removed  from  the  protection  of  the  soldiers,  a  wild 
horde  of  Circumcelliones  would  suddenly  appear  and 
all  would  be  confusion  and  bloodshed.  The  granaries 
were  burnt ;  the  wine  and  vinegar  were  wiisted  ;  the 
farmers  were  forced  with  blows  to  grind  their  corn  at 
the  mill,  and  all  who  dared  to  resist  were  beaten  to 
death  with  cudgels.  Against  the  Catholics  still  greater 
outrages  were  committed.  Their  churches  were  de- 
stroyed, their  sacred  vessels  w^ere  profaned,  and  their 
clergy  were  blinded  with  lime  or  tortured  and  slain'. 

No  doubt  the  more  respectable  Donatists  had  no 
share  in  these  brutalities  and  were  unable  to  check 
them,  but  the  civil  officials  were  either  unable  ur 
imwilling  to  distinguish  between  the  two  sections  of 
the  party,  and  classed  both  as  enemies  of  the  Empire. 
In  truth  the  possession  of  Africa  and  the  security  of  her 
fields  were  absolute  necessities  for  the  Imperial  City, 
and  no  emperor  could  view  with  equanimity  the 
growing  anarchy  of  the  province.  As  soon  then  as 
Gildo  was  crushed  Honorius  issued  an  edict  proscribing 
the  whole  sect  and  ordaining  death  as  the  punishment 
of  all  who  violated  the  churches  or  molested  the  priests 
of  the  Catholics.  From  this  time  onwards  the  policy 
of  the  State  was  firmly  defined.  Donatism  and  all 
its  followers  were  condemned,  and  were  always  liable  to 
the  most  rigorous  punishments  at  the  hands  of  the 
secular  authorities. 

1  Aug.,  Ep.  185,  et  passim. 


58     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

The  theological  attack  upon  the  schismatics  was  just 
as  determined  ;  and  was  directed  and  led  by  St  Augus- 
tine. The  success  of  the  Catholics  was  practically 
complete,  and  the  gradual  defeat  of  the  Donatists  is 
clearly  shewn  by  the  changes  in  the  policy  adopted  by 
the  Church.  At  first  St  Augustine,  though  unshaken 
in  his  resolution  to  overcome  the  schism,  evidently  feels 
a  marked  respect  for  his  opponents.  He  sees  that  he  is 
dealing  with  a  party  as  strong  as  his  own,  and  that 
confidence  in  his  own  position  and  argumentative  skill 
are  his  only  weapons.  He  invites  Proculeianus  to  a 
conference,  and  will,  if  his  adversary  prefers  it,  stand 
aside  himself  in  favour  of  a  less  redoubtable  Catholic  ^ 
He  actually  held  a  discussion  with  the  Donatist 
Bishop  Fortunius  at  Tibursi,  and  contended  by  letters 
with  Bishop  Honoratus  and  the  priest  Crispinus ;  more- 
over, when  the  latter  was  consecrated  to  the  see  of 
Calama,  he  shewed  an  eagerness  to  resume  their  long 
controversy  2. 

For  St  Augustine  did  not  shut  his  eyes  to  obvious 
facts,  and  he  saw  that  apart  from  all  other  considerations 
Donatism  was  a  great  power  and  must  be  treated 
accordingly.  The  influence  of  the  sect  was  immense 
and  on  all  neutral  points  its  friendship  was  well  worth 
gaining.  He  therefore  complained  bitterly  of  the 
damage  done  to  religion  and  morality  by  the  laxity 
with  which  the  schismatics  received  men  smarting 
under  the  censures  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  quoted 
particular  instances.  A  son  who  had  beaten  his  mother, 
a  sub-deacon  and  some  nuns  whom  he  had  sentenced 

1  Aug.,  Epp.  33—5.  2  Aug.,  Ep.  51. 


THE   GOLDEN    AGE   OF   THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH.      59 

to  penance,  were  freely  admitted  to  the  ranks  (jf  the 
Donatists,  and  all  order  was  thereby  endangered.  It 
would  be  for  better,  he  urged,  if  some  arrangement 
was  adopted  by  the  two  parties  and  each  agreed  to 
carry  out  the  just  censures  imposed  by  its  opponents  or 
any  who  came  over  to  its  side.  He  had  himself 
always  done  so,  and  could  cite  cases  in  which  he  had 
protected  Donatists  in  spite  of  insults  and  contumely. 
Thus  he  had  saved  the  daughter  of  a  catechumen  from 
a  beating  by  her  angry  ftxther  for  joining  the  schis- 
matics, submitting  to  rebaptism,  and  becoming  a  nun  ; 
and  on  the  other  hand  he  had  not  sought  to  avenge  the 
gross  insults  he  had  received  from  the  Donatists \ 

This  semi-recognition  of  his  opponents  was  still 
preserved  by  St  Augustine,  even  when  the  general  drift 
of  his  policy  towards  them  was  completely  changed. 
For  as  soon  as  the  authority  of  the  emperors  was 
re-established  in  Africa,  the  tide  turned  and  the 
Catholics  began  to  rapidly  recover  power.  As  they  saw 
themselves  growing  steadily  stronger  they  assumed  a 
more  triumphant  tone,  while  they  managed  to  keep 
the  door  open  for  the  schismatics'  return.  The  tirst 
intimation  of  their  altered  policy  is  given  in  the  corre- 
spondence of  St  Augustine,  probably  written  in  400. 
He  has  learned  now  that  something  more  than  moral 
suasion  is  necessary,  and  he  urges  Celer,  an  important 
official,  who  had  himself  come  over  from  the  Donatists, 
to  use  greater  vigour  against  his  old  associates^  In 
the  next  year  he  wrote  to  Pammachius,  a  Numidian  (»f 
senatorial  rank,  thanking  him  for  compelling  his  tenants 

1  Aug.,  Ep.  35.  -  Epp.  oG— 7. 


60     THE   CHEISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

to  see  the  error  of  their  ways,  and  remarking  that  the 
most  important  matter  for  consideration  was  the  manner 
in  which  the  Donatist  clergy  were  to  be  received \ 

The  great  bishop  contributed  greatly  to  the  solution 
of  this  problem  by  frankly  acknowledging  the  eccle- 
siastical standing  of  his  adversaries,  and  thereby 
smoothing  the  path  of  return.  The  policy  adopted 
by  the  Council  of  Carthage  in  401  followed  certain 
broad  lines.  The  Donatists  were  schismatics,  not 
heretics,  and  there  was  no  reason  why  the  Orders  and 
Baptism  conferred  by  them  should  not  be  acknowledged : 
in  the  same  way,  if  any  Donatist  had  taken  vows  of 
chastity  or  self-denial,  he  should  not  be  released  on 
joining  the  Catholic  communionl  St  Augustine  him- 
self received  and  recognized  the  schismatically-ordained 
deacons,  but  he  sternly  refused  to  palliate  in  any  way 
the  crime  of  those  Catholic  deacons  who  had  left  the 
true  fold  of  the  Church. 

These  wise  and  salutary  measures  were  too  success- 
ful in  winning  Donatists  to  the  Church  to  allow 
Catholics  to  dream  of  calling  in  the  assistance  of  the 
secular  arm.  St  Augustine  proposed  to  alter  the  penalty 
of  death  decreed  against  all  heretical  and  Donatist  clergy 
to  the  infliction  of  a  fine  of  ten  pounds  of  gold,  and 
urged  a  more  rigorous  enforcement  of  the  law  in  the 
parts  where  the  Circumcelliones  were  strong.  His 
scheme  was  laid  before  the  Emperor  by  the  Council 
of  401,  and  might  have  been  adopted,  if  further  out- 
breaks, and  one  outrage  in  particular,  had  not  occurred 
before  the  arrival  of  the  deputation  at  Rome.     Maxi- 

1  Fjp.  58.  2  Ep.  61. 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE   OF   THE  AFRICAN   CHURCH.      Gl 

mianus,  Bishop  of  Bagai,  had  excited  the  anger  of  the 
Donatists  by  successfully  claiming  from  them  in  the 
law-courts  the  basilica  of  Fundus  Calvianus.  He  wa,s 
set  upon  in  the  church  itself,  beaten  with  cudgels  and 
brands,  torn  from  the  altar,  stabbed  in  the  groin, 
dragged  along  the  ground  and  abandoned  for  dead. 
The  Catholics  found  him  and  bore  him  away,  but  as 
the  sad  procession  proceeded  on  its  way  singing  psalms 
it  was  assaulted  and  the  senseless  prelate  once  more 
seized  by  his  enemies.  He  was  then  carried  to  the 
summit  of  a  lofty  tower  and  thrown  over,  but  luckily  he 
fell  softly  (molliter)  upon  a  heap  of  refuse,  where  he  lay 
until  a  chance  passer-by  heard  his  groans  and  took  him 
by  night  to  his  friends.  In  spite  of  his  wounds  he  re- 
covered, but  the  fresh  scars,  more  in  number  than  the 
members  of  his  body',  bore  witness  to  the  treatment  he 
had  received  I  This  outrage  urged  the  Emperor  to 
increased  rigour,  and  the  Church  also  soon  saw  the 
necessity  of  more  severity,  for  the  Council  of  Carthage 
of  404  requested  the  energetic  enforcement  of  the 
law  of  Theodosius  aoainst  heretics. 

St  Augustine  furnishes  the  best  defence  of  this 
change  of  policy  ^  He  instances  the  horrible  brutalities 
of  the  Circumcelliones,  and  roundly  asserts  that  "perhaps 
the  cruelties  of  the  barbarians  would  be  light  in  com- 
parison." He  declares  that  these  fanatics  were  pledged 
to,  subvert  the  social  order  of  the  province,  that  they 
repudiated  just  debts  and  released  legal  slaves.  Their 
conduct  deprived  them  of  all  claim  to  the  consideration 
due  to  those  who  had  honestly  made  a  mistake.    If  they 

1  "plures  in  ejus  corpore  cicatrices  quain  membra  numerantur." 

2  Aug.,  Epp.  88,  185,  vii.  25—7.  =^  Epp.  70,  51,  53,  106. 


62     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

were  really  conscientious  in  their  opposition  to  the 
Catholics,  why  did  they  tolerate  the  Maximianists  ? 
The  alleged  grievances  against  both  were  identical, 
yet  the  Donatists  refused  to  acknowledge  Catholic 
Orders  and  Sacraments  whilst  admitting  the  validity 
of  those  dispensed  by  the  Maximianists.  Such  a  policy 
shewed  the  real  hollowness  of  the  whole  dispute  from  a 
theological  standpoint,  and  made  it  impossible  to  avoid 
the  conviction  that  party  spirit  had  more  to  do  with 
its  persistence  than  love  of  truth. 

For  if  they  were  truly  actuated  by  love  of  truth, 
why,  urged  Augustine,  had  they  refused  the  offers  of 
a  friendly  conference,  which  had  been  continually  urged 
upon  them  previously,  and  even  renewed  so  lately  as 
403^  ?  Then  Possidius  and  Augustine  had  offered  to 
meet  in  argument  any  champions  whom  their  party 
might  select,  but  Primian,  the  Donatist  Bishop  of  Car- 
thage, had  refused.  Let  things  therefore  take  their 
course.  Now  the  time  for  peaceful  methods  was  past 
and  the  time  for  'wholesome  medicine'  had  begunl 
After  all  it  was  no  more  than  the  Donatists  had  wished 
to  inflict  on  their  own  friends,  the  Maximianists^;  and 
not  more  than  they  had  asked  Constantine  to  enforce 
against  their  opponents  the  Catholics.  Besides,  the 
door  of  return  was  always  held  open  to  them  and  full 
recognition  was  granted  to  their  baptism  and  orders. 

The  downfall  of  Donatism  now  begins.  It  was 
impossible  for  the  schismatics  long  to  resist  the 
persecution  of  the  government,  aided  as  it  was  by  the 
noble  and  statesmanlike  policy  of  the  Church  in  offering 

1  See  also  Epp.  87,  8.  2  ^^^  93^  3  ^-^^  §8. 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE    OF   THE    AFRICAN   CHURCH.      63 

an  easy  way  for  the  retraction  of  their  errors.  There 
is  no  need  to  describe  in  detail  the  progress  of  the 
Church  or  to  go  fully  into  the  mad  outbreaks  of  the 
despairing  Circumcelliones;  it  will  be  sufficient  to  men- 
tion brietiy  the  chief  landmarks  of  the  great  change. 

In  405,  Honorius  issued  his  new  edict  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  Council  of  Carthage  of  the  preceding  year. 
All  those  who  ill-treated  the  Catholics  were  to  be 
fined ;  the  Donatist  bishops  and  clergy  were  to  be 
banished  ;  rebaptism  was  forbidden,  and  those  who  sub- 
mitted to  it  were  to  lose  their  goods  and  their  churches 
and  were  deprived  of  the  right  of  testamentary  dis- 
position. Moreover,  schismatics  were  now  authorita- 
tively classed  with  heretics.  The  result  was  immediate. 
Many  waverers  came  over,  and  open  union  took  place 
between  the  majority  of  the  Donatists  and  the  Catholics 
in  many  great  cities,  notably  at  Carthage.  Of  course 
there  were  outbreaks  of  violence  amongst  the  Circum- 
celliones, and  especially  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hippo 
and  in  Xumidia ;  and  Augustine  had  to  warn  the  new 
"  magister  officiorum  "  of  the  danger  in  which  all  the 
Catholics  stood,  and  urged  him  to  make  it  known  that 
the  strong  measures  taken  were  initiated  not  by 
Stilicho,  but  by  the  Emperor  himself  ^ 

In  411,  a  gi'eat  Conference  was  held  at  Carthage. 
The  bishops  on  each  side  were  to  attend  in  their  full 
strength,  and  seven  champions  for  each  party  aided 
by  seven  bishops  were  to  argue  the  points  in  dispute. 
The  speeches  were  to  be  officially  taken  down,  and  at 
the  end  of  the  third  day  the  President,  the  Proconsul 

1  Aug.,  Ep.  97. 


^4    THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

Marcellinus,  was  to  deliver  his  decision.  However  the 
Donatists,  knowing  the  weakness  of  their  cause,  pre- 
vented any  reasonable  discussion  by  their  character- 
istic violence.  The  first  two  days  were  completely 
wasted  through  frivolous  objections  raised  to  the  formal 
preliminaries.  On  the  third  day,  after  a  stormy  argu- 
ment on  the  question  of  the  inclusion  or  exclusion  of 
sinners  from  the  Church  on  earth,  the  President's 
authority  forced  the  conference  into  the  practical 
channel  of  the  historical  causes  of  the  schism.  Then 
at  length  Marcellinus  was  able  to  deliver  judgment. 
He  began  by  declaring  first,  that  the  official  '  acta ' 
proved  that  Caecilian  had  not  been  guilty  of  giving  up 
the  Scriptures ;  secondly  that,  even  if  he  had,  his  sin 
would  not,  according  to  the  Divine  Law,  involve  all  his 
followers  in  his  own  guilt.  Therefore  the  Donatists 
were  pronounced  to  have  no  justification  whatever, 
either  historical  or  theological.  They  must  then  break 
up  their  organization  and  seek  readmission  to  the 
Church,  which  they  had  deserted  and  oppressed.  At 
any  rate,  they  must  surrender  their  churches,  and  cease 
from  their  outrages,  and,  while  anyone  was  at  liberty  to 
break  up  a  Donatist  meeting,  the  Catholics  were  not  to 
be  impeded  in  any  way. 

An  appeal  to  the  Emperor  on  the  part  of  the 
defeated  faction  was  worse  than  useless,  and  only 
brought  further  penalties  on  their  head.  All  Donatists 
were  to  lose  their  rights  of  citizenship,  and  in  extreme 
cases,  even  their  goods  and  lands.  From  this  moment 
Donatism  ceased  to  be  a  power  in  Africa  and  the  rest 
of  its  history  is  the  story  of  its  death. 

Augustine  by  his   sermons   converted   the   people 


THE  GOLDEN   AGE   OF  THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH.      65 

of  Cirta\  and  by  a  fresh  edict,  published  in  414,  even 
those  churches,  which  the  Donatists  still  retained,  were 
forfeited,  the  schismatic  priests  were  banished,  the  fines 
on  all  who  remained  doubled,  and  the  right  to  give 
evidence  in  the  law-courts  was  taken  away.  In  fact 
the  Donatists  were  now  reduced  to  the  social  position 
of  the  lowest  class  and  were  subjected  to  a  slow,  galling 
persecution,  which  was  more  effective  from  the  fact  that 
the  sufferers  were  denied  the  advantage  of  posing  in 
public  as  martyrs.  It  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  a 
special  Council  had  to  be  summoned  at  Carthage  in 
418,  to  put  upon  a  sounder  basis  the  policy  of  the 
Church  towards  these  enforced  recruits'^. 

But  though  Donatism  was  now  completely  stamped 
out  in  the  greater  part  of  the  Province,  some  remnants 
still  remained  to  cause  the  Church  much  more  trouble. 
About  408,  St  Augustine  had  informed  Vincentius, 
the  Rogatist  Bishop  of  Cartenna,  in  justification  of  his 
harsh  policy,  that  much  of  Numidia  had  been  won 
over^  and  in  423  he  told  Pope  Caelestius  that  his 
success  had  made  it  necessary  to  set  up  a  separate 
bishopric  at  Fussala^  But  for  all  that  the  conversion 
was  never  completed,  and  on  the  borders,  in  the 
debateable  land,  which  stretched  beyond  the  strict 
limits  of  the  Roman  frontiers,  Donatism  still  lingered. 
In  417,  Pope  Boniface  sought  information  about  this 
troublesome  sect,  and  St  Augustine  in  his  reply  de- 
clared that  if  vast  numbers  of  the  population  have 
returned  to  Catholicism,  a  tough  and  turbulent  minority 
remained  outside.     Some  had  conformed  through  fear 


1  Ep.  144. 

-  Aug., 

"  Ad  Donatistas  post  Colhitionem." 

3  Ep.  93. 

*  Ep.  209. 

H. 

5 

66     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

of  punishment,  and  some  of  those  who  had  not  con- 
formed had  been  convinced  of  their  errors;  but  there 
was  still  grave  fear  that  the  outrages  would  be  renewed 
by  those  who  had  proved  themselves  more  obstinate  or 
more  courageous \ 

But  though  there  was  this  fear,  and  though  indi- 
viduals might  still  suffer  from  the  excesses  of  the 
wilder  schismatics,  Donatism  as  a  dangerous  force  was 
dead.  By  the  end  of  St  Augustine's  life  nothing  was 
left  of  this  once  powerful  sect  but  a  few  followers  in 
the  deserts  of  Mauritania  and  Numidia.  They  existed 
for  many  centuries  and  gave  some  trouble  in  later 
times;  but  regarded  as  a  factor  in  the  extinction  of 
African  Christianity  they  are  quite  unimportant. 

Donatism  was  not  the  only  trouble  of  the  African 
Church  at  this  period.  Two  heresies  attacked  the 
faith  of  the  Catholics  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth 
century  and  called  for  the  most  vigilant  resistance. 
Happily  Augustine  of  Hippo  and  Aurelius  of  Carthage 
were  fully  alive  to  the  danger  and  were  able  to  prevent 
the  people  of  the  Province  from  being  led  astray. 
Consequently  these  heresies  had  no  influence  upon  the 
fall  of  the  African  Church  and  may  be  dismissed  with 
a  very  few  words. 

In  409,  Pelagius,  the  author  of  the  teaching  which 
bears  his  name,  landed  in  Africa  and  began  to  preach 
his  erroneous  doctrines  about  original  sin  and  free-will. 
The  peculiarities  of  the  African  national  character 
promised  to  afford  him  a  most  favourable  ground  on 
which  to  sow  his  seed.    For  Pelagius,  and  still  more  his 

^  Ep.  185,  vii.  30. 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE   OF  THE   AFRICAN   CHURCH.      07 

friend  Caelestius,  taught  the  absolute  self-sufficiLiicy 
of  the  human  wilP.  The  Africans,  in  spite  of  iht-ir 
luxuriousness,  paid  to  personal  piety  and  jiscetic 
austerity  the  most  exaggerated  honour,  and  it  was 
the  very  ideal  of  self-denial  which  "  contributed  very 
largely  to  sustain  and  deepen  that  strong  conviction 
of  the  freedom  of  the  human  will,  which  the  Catholic 
Church  has  always  so  strenuously  upheld-." 

At  first  the  new  doctrines  made  rapid  headway 
and  gained  many  converts^  but  the  firm  stand  of  the 
responsible  heads  of  the  Church  quickly  checked  their 
spread.  The  Council  of  Carthage  of  412  condemned 
Caelestius  and  his  tenets,  and  St  Augustine  argued 
and  preached  against  all  whom  he  had  deceived.  With 
his  personal  charm,  persuasive  eloquence  and  dialectical 
skill,  the  great  bishop  met  the  argunients  of  the 
heretics,  answered  the  doubts  of  the  waverere,  and 
proved  how  contrary  to  Scripture  and  experience  the 
new  doctrines  were*.  In  418,  the  Council  of  Carthage, 
at  which  over  200  prelates  were  present,  formulated 
nine  canons  against  the  Pelagians,  and  the  censures 
of  the  Church  were  supported  and  enforced  by  the 
edicts  issued  in  the  siime  year  by  the  Emperors 
Honorius  and  Theodosius^  When  Pope  Zosimus  sent 
out  against  the  heretics  an  "  epistola  tractaria,"  com- 

1  Augustine,  Dc  Gestis  Pelag.,  §§  5 — 8. 

2  Lecky,  History  of  European  Morah,  ii.  123. 

3  Aug.,  De  Gestis  Pelag.,  §  62,  "cum  plurimo  decopisset,  et  fratres, 
quos  non  deceperat  conturbaret,"  aud  the  same  author  says  {Ep.  157, 
§  22),  "  nesciam  quo  siut  erupturi." 

•*  See  especially  De  Pecc.  Meritis,  De  Spiritu  Litteraque,  De  Gestin 
Pelagii,  De  Natura  et  Gratia,  and  Sermons  170,  174 — 5. 
5  Isidorus  Hispal.  Cluon.,  Uonorio  et  Theodesio  Minore. 


5—2 


68     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

manding  all  bishops  to  sign  it  under  pain  of  depriva- 
tion ^  though  in  Italy  no  less  than  eighteen  proved 
recalcitrant,  in  Africa  hardly  any  were  found  tainted 
with  the  Pelagian  errors.  Indeed,  so  anxious  was 
Aurelius  that  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Province  might 
be  proved,  that  he  wrote  to  all  his  suffragans  and 
begged  them  to  subscribe  the  declaration,  however 
excellent  their  reasons  for  refusing  to  do  so  might 
appear  to  them  to  be^. 

But  the  Church  of  Carthage  was  not  content  with 
acting  in  self-defence ;  it  pursued  its  enemy  wherever 
he  went.  Both  in  Palestine  and  Italy  Pelagius  found 
the  Africans  his  most  bitter  foes.  It  was  Orosius,  the 
friend,  if  not  the  envoy  of  Augustine,  whose  strictures 
of  the  new  doctrine  caused  the  assembling  of  the 
synods  of  Jerusalem  and  Diospolis  at  which  the 
accusers  of  Pelagius  were  inspired  by  the  writings 
of  the  great  Bishop  of  Hippo.  It  was  the  Council 
of  Carthage  of  416  which  urged  on  Pope  Innocent  I. 
to  condemn  Pelagianism,  and  it  was  the  series  of 
African  synods  and  especially  the  Carthaginian  "  obtes- 
tatio  "  of  418,  which  opened  the  eyes  of  Zosimus  to  the 
dangers  of  this  error^.  As  long  as  it  seemed  likely 
that  the  heresy  would  spread  the  African  bishops 
opposed  it  might  and  main.  They  stamped  it  out  in 
their  own  land;  they  discredited  it  before  the  eyes 
of  the  world,  and  thanks  to  their  efforts,  its  later 
history  is  to  be  found  in  the  annals  of  the  Churches 
of  Gaul  alone. 

1  Apud  August. ,  Ep.  190. 

2  Aurel.  Carth.,  Ep.:  Epistola  Episcopis  Provinc.  Byzacenae. 

3  Aug.,  Ep.  215. 


THE  GOLDEN   AGE   OF   THE   AFRICAN   CHUHCH.      09 

The  other  heresy  which  now  affected  Africa  was 
the  far  more  subtle  Manichaeism.  Its  converts  did  not 
openly  separate  thoniselves  from  the  orthodox,  but 
gave  secret  meanings  to  their  acts  while  participating 
in  the  ordinary  public  worship.  It  wfis  therefore 
particularly  hard  to  combat  and  gained  an  alarming 
number  of  votaries.  Africa,  indeed,  seemed  to  be  from 
the  fourth  century  the  principal  seat  of  the  sect';  St 
Augustine  himself  had  been  won  over  as  a  young  man, 
and  he  had  erred  in  company  with  great  multitudes — 
"cives  et  peregrin!  Christiani,  tam  catholici  quam  etiam 
Donatistae^'  Even  when  there  was  a  reluctance  to 
join  the  sect,  an  uneasy  feeling  that  its  teaching  might 
after  all  be  true  made  many  become  "auditores,"  in 
order  to  gain  such  help  as  the  "  electi "  could  give  in 
the  life  beyond  the  grave ^. 

Manichaeism  however  suffered  under  the  grievous 
disability  of  being  obnoxious  to  the  temporal  autho- 
rities, whether  Christian  or  pagan.  A  gi-ave  suspicion 
of  the  grossest  dissoluteness,  which  has  never  been 
justified  as  regards  the  sect  considered  as  a  whole, 
continually  hung  over  it  and  caused  the  issue  of  fre- 
quent edicts  against  it.  Diocletian  in  2.S7,  Valentinian 
in  372,  Theodosius  in  382,  proscribed  all  who  adopted 
its  tenets.  The  efforts  of  the  State  were  supported  by 
those  of  the  Church.  St  Augustine  wrote  and  argued 
against  it  and  was  perhaps  able  to  check  its  progress*. 
Still  it  was  never  rooted  out  of  Africa,  and  Manichaeans 
were  found  there  as  long  as  the  power  of  R«>me  was 
acknowledged  in  the  Province.    On  the  arrival  of  the 

^  Neander  IV.,  497,  et  seq.  •  Possidius,  Vita  Aug.,  vi. 

'^  Art.,  Encycl.  Britan.  *  Possidius,  vi. 


70     THE   CHEISTIAN   CHUKCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

Vandals,  many  of  its  proselytes  fled  to  Italy  and  caused 
Pope  Leo  the  Great  the  utmost  anxiety  ^  Hunneric 
found  the  Arian  clergy  tainted  by  its  doctrines  and 
ordered  their  exile  or  execution  at  the  staked  When 
Justinian  reconquered  the  Province,  a  fresh  edict  was 
hurled  against  the  heretics  in  540,  and  even  in  the 
time  of  the  Saracens  many  Africans  believed  in  their 
teachings  I  In  fact  from  the  fourth  century  onwards 
Manichaeism  was  widely  spread  through  the  Churches 
of  Africa ;  its  secrecy  saved  it  from  extinction  and  it 
existed  as  long  as  the  strictest  orthodoxy  itself. 

Although  on  the  whole  these  thirty  years  seemed  a 
period  of  prosperity,  and  although  the  position  of  the 
Church  in  428  was  far  stronger  than  in  398,  there 
was  one  danger  which  became  more  pressing  every 
year  as  the  time  went  on.  It  threatened,  not  only  the 
Church,  but  the  whole  fabric  of  the  Roman  power, 
and  it  was  felt  not  only  in  Africa  but  wherever  the 
Imperial  eagles  flew.  On  every  frontier  of  the  Empire 
the  barbarians  continually  advanced,  and  it  was  during 
these  years  that  the  Berber  forces  began  to  make  head- 
way against  the  garrison  of  Africa.  It  was  not  indeed 
a  new  peril.  It  had  always  been  there  and  was  in- 
separable from  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Africa.  As 
far  back  as  the  time  of  Cyprian,  the  Moors  had  proved 
their  power.  They  had  advanced  as  far  as  the  range  of 
Ferratus  and  fixed  their  permanent  boundaries  there. 
From  the  security  of  inaccessible  mountain  retreats, 
they  issued  to  plunder  and  ravage  the  fertile  plains, 
The  settlers    were    carried    off  and  held    to   ransom ; 

1  Sermon,  xv.  2  Victor  Vit.  ii.  1. 

3  Greg.  II.,  ^2?.  124. 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE   OF   THE   AFRICAN    CHURCH.      71 

travellers  were  stopped,  robbed  and  sometimes  mur- 
dered ;  and  the  scattered  Roman  posts  and  the  militia 
or  "  limitanei "  could  do  little  to  make  the  border 
secure.  At  one  time  the  Moors  had  seized  Christians 
from  eight  different  Sees,  to  rescue  whom  St  Cyprian 
raised  a  subscription  of  eight  hundred  p(junds  of  gold 
from  the  people  of  Carthage.  The  revolts  of  Firmus 
xind  Gildo  had  been  national  movements  towards  inde- 
pendence, and  the  Moors,  foiled  in  these  attempts, 
harassed  the  masters,  whom  they  could  not  overcome. 

The  circumstances  of  the  time  gave  them  many 
opportunities.  The  Empire  of  the  West  was  tottering 
to  its  fall,  and  the  great  proconsuls  of  the  provinces 
were  impatient  of  their  subjection  to  Rome.  Heraclian, 
Count  of  Africa  from  409  to  41  o,  though  he  had  re- 
sisted the  temptations  of  Attains,  threw  off  his 
allegiance  to  Honorius  and  invaded  Italy  itself;  when, 
^s  the  chronicler  tersely  says,  he  lost  his  honour  and 
his  life.  Ten  years  later  another  pretender  arose  in 
the  Province.  John  claimed  the  throne  left  vacant  by 
Honorius  and  tried  to  concpier  Africa,  which  Boniface 
held  in  the  interests  of  Valentinian  III.  and  his  mother, 
Galla  Placidia.  Finally  Boniflice  himself  revolted  and 
defended  himself  successfully  against  the  combined 
force  and  fraud  of  Mavortius,  Galbio  and  Sinex.  He 
had  after  this  to  wage  war  with  Sigisvult  and  seems  in 
desperation  to  have  summoned  the  aid  of  the  Vandals 
from  across  the  sea'. 

The  Moorish  tribes,  always  turbulent  and  hard  to 
repress,  must  have  been  blind  indeed,  if  they  had  not 

1  Prosper,  -6.  a.,  416,  427—8,  431,  and  article  in  English  Jlhtorical 
Review,  July,  1887,  by  Prof.  Freeman. 


72     THE   CHKISTIAN  CHURCHES   IN  NORTH   AFRICA. 

seen  in  the  disloyalty  and  quarrels  of  the  Counts  of 
Africa  exceptional  opportunities  for  pillage  and  rapine. 
St  Augustine's  letters  shew  that  they  did  not  let  their 
chances  slip*.  They  made  their  usual  incursions  with 
more  than  their  usual  audacity  and  success.  Thus  in 
November,  409,  they  raided  Sitifis  and  carried  off  a 
professed  virgin,  the  daughter  of  Bishop  Severus. 
Happily  for  her,  her  three  captors  were  restored  to 
health  in  answer  to  her  prayers;  and  either  through 
the  national  reverence  for  one  endowed  with  super- 
natural powers  or  through  sheer  gratitude,  they  restored 
her  unharmed  to  her  friends^. 

The  history  of  the  barbarian  inroads  is  bound  up 
with  the  story  of  one  great  man.  Boniface,  Count  of 
Africa,  had  passed  nearly  the  whole  of  his  official  life 
in  Africa  and  had  gained  his  great  position  by  his 
valour  and  skill.  A  friend  of  the  Church,  he  had  won 
the  praise  of  St  Augustine  by  finding  time  in  the 
midst  of  his  military  duties  to  inquire  concerning  the 
character  and  origin  of  Donatism^  In  an  age  of  the 
utmost  corruption,  he  was  noted  for  his  honesty ;  no 
bribe  could  move  him,  and  he  administered  a  rough 
but  efficient  justice.  As  a  frontier  officer  he  was  un- 
rivalled ;  with  a  few  "  foederati "  he  kept  his  district 
secure  and  he  fearlessly  attacked  the  Moors  wherever 
he  met  them  whether  his  forces  were  many  or  few,  and 
even  when  he  was  alone  ^.  In  fact  for  many  years 
under  his  rule  the  Province  was  kept  clear  of  barbarian 
foes. 

On  the  death  of  his  wife  Boniface  seriously  medi- 

1  Ep.  109,  §  7.  2  Aug.,  Ep.  111.  3  Aug.,  Ep.  185. 

4  Olympiodorus, /m^f.  42,  F.  H.  G.  p.  67. 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE   OF  THE  AFRICAN   CHURCH.       78 

tated  resigning  his  military  command  and  retiring  for 

the  remainder   of    his   days   into  the   holy  calm  of  a 

monastery;    but   St   Augustine,   whom    he    consulted, 

disapproved  of  the  scheme  and  persuaded  him  that  his 

duty  to  his  country  demanded  that  he  should  continue 

to  carry  out  the  work  he  had  so  well  begun.     In  422, 

he  was  made  Count  of  Africa,  and  granted  the  rank 

of   'Vir    Spectabilis.'      Whether    these    new    honour 

turned  his  head,  or  the  new  family  ties  which  he  now 

formed   by  his   second    marriage  with   an    Arian   wife 

disturbed  his  balance,  is  uncertain,  but  from  this  time 

forward  his  whole  life  underwent  a  great  change.     Led 

astray  by  his  new  wife,  the  friend  of  St  Augustine  even 

allowed  his  daughter  by  this  second  marriage  to  receive 

heretical  baptism.     Moreover  there  were  djirk  reports 

abroad  that,  throwing  all  continence  aside,  he  had  been 

guilty  of  the  grossest  immorality. 

Such  a  falling  away  as  this  had  its  usual  effects, 
and  not  only  Boniface  but  all  Africa  suffered  for  his 
crimes.  His  lapse  from  loyalty  has  alreatly  been 
noticed,  and  now  a  strange  sloth  possessed  him.  His 
old  vigour  and  courage  were  no  more;  he,  who  as  a 
tribune  could  drive  back  the  Moors,  could  as  a  count 
do  nothing  to  save  the  Province;  on  every  side  the 
barbarian  hordes  ravaged  as  they  pleased,  and  the  once 
great  leader  busy  with  loose  living  took  no  steps  to 
ward  off  disaster*. 

It  is  perhaps  unfair  to  put  all  the  blame  for  the 
disorganization  of  the  Province  upon  the  shoulders  of 
Boniface.     No  doubt  he  was  very  slack  in  the  perfomi- 

*  Aug.,  Ep.  220. 


74     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

ance  of  his  duties  and  could  have  done  much  more  to 
defend  his  charge  if  he  had  continued  in  his  old  life 
of  virtue ;  but  at  the  same  time  the  advance  of  the 
Moors  was  inevitable,  and  the  military  system  of  the 
Empire  was  not  well  fitted  for  a  stout  resistance.  The 
climate  of  Africa  is  very  unsuitable  for  Northern  races 
and  sooner  or  later  the  vigour  of  Europeans  is  always 
sapped  and  the  strength  enervated  by  its  effect  upon 
them.  It  was  therefore  a  mistake  to  post  one  legion 
permanently  in  the  Province,  as  the  Legio  Tertia 
Augusta  had  been  for  centuries.  If  they  became  in- 
efficient, the  lowlands  were  left  practically  defenceless 
to  the  mercy  of  the  Moors ;  for  neither  the  Foederati 
nor  the  Limitanei,  mere  militia,  could  ever  have  been 
very  formidable,  while  the  moribund  state  of  the  West- 
ern Empire  prevented  any  help  from  other  regions 
being  sent  to  the  distressed  Africans. 

Still,  as  has  been  said,  these  thirty  years  were  a 
time  of  prosperity  for  the  Church.  Though  the  Berbers 
were  ever  advancing,  the  Church  as  an  organization 
was  not  affected,  and  if  the  frontiers  were  disturbed 
the  heart  of  the  Province  was  not  yet  attacked.  In 
other  ways  the  cause  of  the  Catholics  had  distinctly 
progressed.  Donatism,  its  great  rival,  had  suffered  a 
fall — as  complete  as  it  was  sudden.  Its  property  was 
confiscated,  its  ministers  exiled,  and  its  supporters  out- 
lawed;  and  the  sect,  that  had  seemed  once  about  to 
<;rush  out  the  Catholics  altogether,  had  been  reduced  to 
the  position  of  a  small  struggling  remnant  in  the  out- 
lying districts  of  the  less-civilized  provinces.  Against 
other  dangers  the  Church  had  held  its  own.  Pelagian- 
ism  had  lost  what  footing  it  had  in  Africa,  and  the 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  THE  AFRICAN  CHURCH.   75 

subtle  Manichaeism  had  been  forced  to  hide  itself  from 
the  eye  of  all  authority. 

The  Church  might  therefore  look  back  with  satis- 
faction on  thirty  years  of  advance  since  the  fall  of 
Gildo.  Mercifully,  perhaps,  her  great  leaders  were  not 
allowed  to  foresee  the  fierce  persecution  with  which  it 
was  to  meet  at  the  hands  of  a  new  and  terrible  foe. 


CHAPTER   IV. 
The  Rise  of  the  Vandals. 

The  thirty  years  of  peace  through  which  the  Church 
had  just  passed  were  in  428  brought  to  an  abrupt  close 
by  the  outbreak  of  a  tremendous  storm.  Just  as  the 
triumphs  of  St  Augustine  seemed  to  have  won  for  the 
Catholics  the  undisputed  mastery  of  the  Province,  and 
to  have  secured  a  long  and  useful  career  for  the 
triumphant  Church,  the  sudden  appearance  of  an  un- 
expected danger  reduced  her  once  more  to  the  position 
of  a  proscribed  and  persecuted  society.  In  428,  the 
Vandals  crossed  from  Spain  and  held  Africa  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years.  To  them,  both  as  Arians,  and 
as  enemies  of  Rome,  the  Church  was  doubly  obnoxious, 
and  they  treated  her  with  as  much  harshness  as  their 
political  circumstances  and  the  smallness  of  their 
numbers  permitted.  Hardly  at  any  time  tolerated,  she 
was  at  certain  periods  and  in  certain  places  subjected 
to  the  most  barbarous  persecution. 

The  exact  cause  which  brought  about  the  invasion 
of  Africa  need  concern  the  ecclesiastical  historian  but 
little.  He  may  believe  what  Procopius  says  of  the 
treacherous  fraud  of  Aetius  and  the  short-sighted  folly 


THE   RISE  OF   THE   VANDALS.  77 

of  Bonifaces  or  he  may  with   the   modern  critic  say 
that  the  Count  of  Africa  added  treachery  to  his  other 
crimes,   and,    moved    by  a   petty  feeling   of  jealousy 
deliberately  invited  the  enemies  of  his  country  and  his 
faith  to  share  with  him  the  province  entrusted  to  his 
carel     However  this  may  be,  in  428»  the  Vandals  and 
Alans  crossed  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  with  the  evident 
intention  of  conquering  Africa.     Their  leader  Gaiseric 
was  peculiarly  fitted   for  the  task   before  them.     He 
was  a   brave   warrior  and  astute  statesman,  and   wiis 
fully  aware  that  a  strong  hand  was  needed  to  maintain 
his  authority  amongst   the   Vandals.     Though  of  di- 
minutive stature   and  lame,  owing  to  a  fVill\om   his 
horse,   he    was    terrible   in   anger   and    proof   against 
every  fatigue.     He  loved  war  for  its  own  sake,  and 
to  the  end  of  his  life  kept  the  shores  of  the  Medi- 
terranean in  dread  of  his  piratical  expeditions.     Great 
statesman  as  he  proved  himself,  he  affected  reckless- 
ness  enough    when   embarked    on    a    marauding    ex- 
pedition.    If   his  sailors  asked  him  at  the  beginning 
of  one  of  these  cruises  in  what  direction  they  were  to 
steer,  he  would  order  them  to  sail  before  the  wind 
against  those  "with  whom  God  was  angry."     Yet  in 
his  administration  and  diplomacy  Gaiseric  shewed  that 
he  could   employ  the    utmost   vigilance   and   caution. 
Though   an   apostate   from   Catholicism,   he   tempered 
the  hatred  of  the  renegade   with   the  wisdom  of  the 

^  Procopius,  Dc  Bello  Vandalico,  i.  3. 

2  Freeman,  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  July,  1887. 

3  I  have  adopted  in  the  main  the  chronology  of  Mr  Hodgkin  for 
this  period.  The  authorities  on  which  it  is  founded  are  cited  in  a 
masterly  note  in  Volume  ii.  of  his  ''Italy  and  her  Invaders." 


78     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

statesman.  Though  a  barbarian  conqueror,  he  was 
willing  to  keep  the  best  part  of  Roman  civilization. 
Silent  and  watchful,  he  was  ready  to  seize  every  ad- 
vantage that  diplomacy  offered,  and  was  practised  in 
sowing  the  seeds  of  enmity  amongst  his  opponents  \ 

Under  such  a  leader  any  foe  would  have  been 
dangerous;  the  Vandals  were  almost  irresistible.  A  tall, 
fair  people,  sprung  from  a  race  which  had  defeated 
the  best  legionaries  of  the  youthful  Empire,  the 
degenerate  colonists  of  the  provinces  were  no  match 
for  them.  Salvian  may  have  exaggerated  the  luxury 
and  vice  of  the  provincials  and  the  stern  simplicity 
of  the  barbarians,  but  it  is  impossible  entirely  to  reject 
his  testimony  that  the  collapse  of  the  Roman  power 
was  due  to  the  superior  discipline  and  morality  of  the 
invaders  ^ 

The  geographical  features  and  political  organiza- 
tion of  the  Province  were  in  favour  of  the  Vandals. 
The  part  of  Africa  where  they  landed  was  the  place 
best  fitted  strategically  for  an  invading  host.  Mauri- 
tania Tingitana  was  never  closely  connected  with  the 
rest  of  the  Province,  and  in  later  times  it  was  found 
more  convenient  to  administer  it  from  Spain  than 
Carthage.  The  barren  mountain  ranges  prevented  the 
formation  of  roads,  and  communications  between  Gades 
and  Numidia  were  only  possible  by  sea.  But  the  very 
desolation  and  inaccessibility  of  the  region  fitted  it  for 

1  For  Gaiseric's  character  see  Procop.,  Be  Bell.  Vand.,  i.  3; 
Jordanes,  De  Rebus  Get  ids,  c.  33;  Isidor.  Hispal.,  Hist.  Vand.,  c.  74. 

2  Salvian,  De  Gubernatione  Dei,  v.  14,  vii.  27 — 9,  65,  etc.  He 
speaks  of  the  Vandals  as  "ignavissimi,"  which  seems  at  least  an 
exaggeration. 


THE    RISE    UF    THE    VANDALS.  79 

the  purposes  of  the  Vandals,  who  needed  at  first  no 
permanent  home,  but  a  base  of  operations,  where 
they  could  safely  leave  their  wives  and  children  while 
they  themselves  overran  the  more  fertile  plains.  From 
the  Moorish  tribes  there  was  little  to  fear.  Their  one 
idea  was  hatred  of  the  Roman  provincial  and  luvo  of 
his  goods,  and  it  must  have  been  easy  for  a  skilled 
diplomatist  like  Gaiseric  to  gain  their  friendship  by  the 
promise  of  the  plunder  of  the  rich  eastern  lowlands. 

The  complicated  machinery  of  the  provincial  govern- 
ment prevented  a  prompt  attack  of  the  invaders.  Ac- 
cording to  the  regular  system  of  the  Eujpire,  all  power 
should  have  been  vested  in  the  Vicarius  Africae  under 
the  supervision  of  the  Praetorian  Prefect ;  but  by  a 
curious  exception  his  authority  was  limited  to  the 
Mauritania,  Numidia,  Byzacene  and  Tripoli,  while  Zeugi- 
tana,  the  most  important  district  of  all  aud  the  centre 
of  the  whole  Province,  was  under  the  separate  rule  of 
the  Proconsul  of  Africa.  Both  these  officials  lived  at 
Carthage,  and  as  their  authority  continually  clashed 
considerable  jealousy  and  ill-feeling  existed  between 
them.  To  make  confusion  worse  confounded,  only  the 
civil  power  was  under  this  dual  control ;  the  direction 
of  military  affairs  throughout  Africa  was  vested  in  the 
Comes  Africae,  who  took  no  orders  except  from  the 
Praetorian  Prefect  of  Italy'.  With  such  a  medley  of 
authorities  it  would  have  been  very  wonderful  if  the 
defence  of  the  Province  had  been  well  directed,  and  it 
may  be  supposed  that  the  discords  of  the  great  Roman 
officials  had  much  to  do  with  the  rapid  fall  of  the 
Imperial  power. 

^  Hodgkin,  Italy  ami  her  Invaders,  Vol.  ii.  p.  242. 


80     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

For  the  Vandals  became  masters  of  Africa  within  a 
very  short  time.  Landing  in  A.D.  428,  they  were  practi- 
cally supreme  throughout  the  Province  by  the  fall  of 
Carthage  in  439.  After  this  the  war  passed  out  of 
its  acute  stage  and  merely  lingered  on.  In  442  a 
final  peace  was  made  and  a  partition  of  territory  with 
Valentinian  III.  agreed  upon,  despite  which  the  Vandals 
continued  to  increase  their  dominions  until  the  capture 
of  Rome  in  455  gave  them  the  opportunity  of  reaching 
their  furthest  limits  by  the  gradual  occupation  of 
Tripoli. 

Within  two  years  of  the  landing  of  the  Vandals  it 
is  said  that  only  three  Churches  were  still  in  existence. 
Of  these,  the  fate  of  Cirta  is  unknown;  Hippo  fell 
after  a  brave  defence,  and  Carthage  was  captured  by 
treachery \  Although  Boniface  soon  discovered  his 
mistake  and  tried  with  all  his  old  courage  to  repair 
his  errors,  the  invaders  made  rapid  progress.  In  May, 
430,  Hippo  was  besieged,  and  St  Augustine  and 
many  other  bishops  were  shut  up  within  its  walls. 
Boniface  himself  conducted  the  defence  with  the  Gothic 
"  foederati,"  and  for  fourteen  months  fought  so  bravely 
that  the  Vandals  marched  away  in  despair.  But  long 
before  the  retreat  of  the  foe  the  great  Bishop  of  Hippo 
had  passed  to  his  rest.  He  was  stricken  with  fever 
three  months  after  the  beginning  of  the  siege,  and  on 
the  28th  of  August,  430,  the  Church,  not  only  of  Africa 
but  of  the  whole  world,  suffered  an  irreparable  loss  by 
the  death  of  the  venerable  prelate  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
five  I     It  was  well  perhaps  that  the  champion  of  ortho- 

1  Possidius,    Vita  Sti.  Aug.  Ep.,  cc.  28—30. 

2  Victor  Vit.,  i.  3. 


THE   RISE    OF   THE    VANDALS.  81 

doxy  should  not  live  to  see  the  Church,  which  he;  had 
so  manfully  defended  against  schisms  and  heresies,  at 
length  subverted,  as  it  seemed  for  ever,  by  a  barbarian 
and  heretical  foe.  We  may  hope  that  his  Uujt  moments 
were  cheered  by  a  reconciliation  with  the  brave  soldier 
who  had  so  sadly  belied  the  hopes  raised  by  his  earlier 
career. 

For  a  time  the  Vandals  were  checked,  but  their 
period  of  inactivity  was  brief  Boniface,  encouraged  by 
reinforcements  from  Rome  and  by  the  arrival  of  Aspar 
with  help  from  the  Eastern  Empire,  took  the  field,  but 
was  completely  routed  at  the  first  encounter*.  From  this 
time  the  fate  of  Africa  was  sealed.  Hippo  was  deserted 
by  its  inhabitants  and  burned  by  the  Vandals,  and 
the  Romans  were  forced  to  make  a  truce  with  their 
successful  foes.  In  435  a  peace  was  concluded  between 
Gaiseric  and  Trigetius  at  Hippo.  The  conditions  are 
not,  fully  recorded,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  stipulated 
that  the  Emperor  should  grant  to  the  invaders  a  portion 
of  Africa,  in  return  for  which  the  Vandals  should  pay 
tribute  and  give  up  Hunneric,  the  eldest  son  of  their 
king,  as  a  hostage  for  their  good  behaviour.  Possibly 
the  district  thus  given  up  consisted  of  tin-  three 
Mauritanias,  but  of  this  there  is  no  certainty.  It  is 
also  likely  that  the  barbarians  undertook  not  to  attack 
Carthage  ;  for  the  unexpected  capture  of  this  city  caused 
the  greatest  indignation  amongst  the  other  inhabitants 
of  the  Empire  I 

^  Procopius,  De  Bello  Vand.,  i.  4. 

'-  For  this  treaty  vide  Procop.,  De  Hell.  Vaud.,  i.  4  ;  Prosper,  8.a., 
439;  Prosper  Tyro,  Canisii  Ant.  Lecti,  s.a.  435  ;  Camiodnus,  s.a.  12, 
Theodosius. 

H.  6 


82     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES  IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

For  the  next  few  years  the  Africans  were  permitted 
by  the  policy  of  a  conqueror  the  enjoyment  of  a  period 
of  cessation  of  active  hostilities.  Soon,  however,  the 
court  of  Ravenna  seems  to  have  been  sufficiently 
misguided  to  allow  Gaiseric's  son,  Hunneric,  to  return 
home.  A  rude  awakening  soon  came\  On  October 
19th,  439,  while  the  attention  of  Aetius  was  taken  up 
with  the  affairs  of  Gaul,  Gaiseric  appeared  before  the 
walls  of  Carthage,  and  obtaining  admission  on  the 
pretext  of  peace  treacherously  seized  the  city.  War 
at  once  broke  out  again  and  lasted  for  three  years. 
Now,  however,  the  Romans  had  no  chance  of  success, 
and  there  is  no  record  of  any  fighting  in  Africa. 
The  Vandals  on  the  contrary  began  their  career  as  the 
scourges  of  the  Mediterranean  by  a  descent  on  Sicily.  In 
440,  Gaiseric  invaded  and  ravaged  the  islands  far  and 
wide  until  recalled  by  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  Count 
Sebastian  in  Africa  I  He  however  turned  out  to  be  a 
fugitive  from  Rome  and  not  a  Roman  general.  In  441, 
Theodosius  II.  sent  from  Constantinople  a  great  arma- 
ment of  1100  vessels  under  Areobindus,  Anaxilla, 
Germanus  and  other  leaders^ ;  but  this  too  ended  in 
failure,  and  was  the  cause  of  more  harm  to  Sicily  than 
to  Africa,  its  only  result  being  that  an  embassy  was 
sent  by  Gaiseric  to  the  Eastern  Emperor.  This  was 
the  last  attempt  to  drive  out  the  Vandals.  In  the 
following  year  Valentinian  was  forced  to  agree  to  one 

1  Prosper,  s.a.  443;  Prosper  Tyro,  s.a.  445  (ed.  Canis.),  s.a.  439; 
Marcellinus  Comes  gives  the  date  as  23  Oct.  439. 

-  Prosper,  s.a.  444;  Prosper  Tyro  (ed.  Canis.),  s.a.  440;  Idatius, 
s.a.  26th  of  Theodosius  II. 

3  Theorphanes,  s.a.  441 ;  Prosper,  s.a.  445  ;  Prosper  Tyro,  s.a.  441. 


THE   RISE   OF  THE   VANDALS.  83 

more  province  being  torn  from  his  crumbling  Empin.', 
and  to  sign  a  definite  peace  with  Gaiseric. 

Africa  was  divided  according  to  "certain  limits," 
and  perhaps  even  Sicily  was  surrendered.  Ruuj^hly 
speaking,  the  Vandals  acquired  Byzacene,  Proconsularis 
andNumidia;  the  Empire  kept  the  three  Maurit;inias 
and  TripoU\  That  is  to  say,  the  invaders  obtained  all 
the  fertile  parts  of  the  province ;  the  Romans  retaining 
only  the  thinly  populated  districts  which  on  the  death 
of  Valentinian  III.  (in  a.d.  45.j)  were  lost  to  the 
Empire  l  Unfortunately  for  Africa  neither  sidi*  was 
equal  to  the  task  of  obtaining  the  mastery.  The 
Vandals  were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to  hold  their 
territories  effectually ;  the  Empire  was  too  weak  to 
reconquer  them.  From  this  time  therefore  the  Mooi-s 
began  to  gain  ground  and  to  establish  themselves  in  a 
position  from  which  it  proved  impossible  to  dislodge 
them. 

Thus  then  was  Africa  conquered  by  the  Vandals. 
Putting  aside  their  superiority  in  homogeneity,  physique, 
morality  and  recklessness,  it  is  worth  while  to  consider 

1  Prosper,  s.a.  446  ;  Prosper  Tyro,  Canis.  Ant.  Led.,  s.a.  W2  ; 
Cassiodorus,  s.a.  19  Theodos.  ;  Victor  Vit.,  i.  4. 

-  Mauritania  must  in  name  at  least  have  been  kept  by  Valentinian. 
The  Novels  23  (22  June,  445)  and  37  Valentin,  and  Theodos.  (13  July, 
451)  apply  to  it.  It  was  probably  never  colonized  by  the  Vandals. 
The  epitaph  of  Novatus  (C.  I.  L.,  8G34)  in  the  year  440  points  to  the 
establishment  of  comparative  quiet  then.  Dr  Hodgkin  places  the 
division  of  the  province  recorded  by  Victor  Vitcnsis  (i.  4)  in  435.  I 
prefer  to  follow  Papencordt  in  assigning  it  to  the  final  peace  of  442  ; 
Victor  mentions  it  after  the  Fall  of  Carthage  in  439,  and  this  surely 
proves  that  it  could  not  have  been  arranged  in  435.  Marcus  (Hhtoire 
des  Wamlales,  iii.  1)  and  Tissot  (ii.  ii.  1,  §  7)  make  an  additional 
truce  in  432,  but  on  no  convincing  evidence. 

6—2 


84     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

how  far   they  were  aided  by  disaffection   within   the 
province  itself.    Neither  Moors  nor  Donatists  had  much 
cause  to  love  the  Roman  regime,  and  there  is  no  prima 
facie  improbability  in  assuming  that  they  threw  in  their 
lot  with  Gaiseric.    Of  these  two  possible  allies,  the  part 
played  by  the  latter  is  the  more  uncertain  and  has  caused 
much  difference  of  opinion  amongst  modern  historians  \ 
From  the  time  of  St  Augustine  to  the  reign  of  Pope 
Gregory  II.  nothing  is  known  of  them,  and  at  first 
sight  it  appears  unlikely  that  a  sect  which   had  re- 
pudiated   Arianism^   would    side   with    the    heretical 
Vandals.      But  the  times  were  now  altered  and  the 
Donatists  of  428  were  not  the  Donatists  of  398.     The 
wise  policy  of   St  Augustine,  supported  by  the  per- 
secuting policy  of  the  Roman  government,  had  nearly 
destroyed  the  schismatical  party.     All  the   more   re- 
spectable, all  the  enlightened  and  reasonable  members 
of  the  sect    had  by  this  time  rejoined  the   Catholic 
Church.     The   Circumcelliones  alone  remained   obdu- 
rate, and  it  is  easy  to  suppose  that  with  them  theo- 
logical scruples  were  easily  overcome  by  fanatical  hate. 
Indeed  as  early  as  417,  the  more  violent  Donatists  had 
negociated  with  the  Goths  and  professed  themselves 
Arians   for   political   reasons,   though    they  were   dis- 
owned by  their  more  respectable  brethren ;  and  now, 
driven  to  despair  by  harsh  treatment  and  with  all  their 
social  grievances  unredressed,  they  probably  found  no 
difficulty  in   once   more    proving   complaisant    and   in 
sacrificing  their  creed  for  the  sake  of  their  revenge. 

^  Papencordt  (pp.  284,  6)  argues  that  they  did  not  help  the  Vandals ; 
Gibbon  (chap,  xiii.),  Marcus  (iii.  1),  and  Fournel  (i.  2),  maintain  that 
they  did.  2  j^^g^^  ^^^  jsS,  §  1. 


THE  RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  85 

No  contemporary  historian,  it  is  tnie,  says  that  the 
Vandals  were  aided  by  the  schismatics ;  on  the  other 
hand  we  have  no  remarks  on  either  the  persecution  or 
the  immunity  of  the  Donatists.  Probably  they  had  by 
this  time  dropped  out  of  sight,  and  though  the  few 
surviving  Circumcelliones  helped  Gaiseric,  they  were 
confounded   with    the   Moors,  to   whom   they  were    so 

closely  allied. 

For  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  barbarian  tribes 
sided  with  the  invaders.  They  had  from  the  first 
hated  the  Romans,  and  the  events  of  the  last  fifty 
years  had  made  them  despise  them.  They  loved 
plunder  for  its  own  sake  and  were  ever  on  the  watch 
for  opportunities  to  ravage  the  province.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  Vandals  gave  them  a  splendid  chance,  and 
they  were  far  too  valuable  as  allies  to  be  overlooked 
by  a  skilled  diplomatist  like  Gaiseric.  A  few  years 
later  Moorish  contingents  formed  part  of  the  piratical 
crews  which  ravaged  the  Mediterranean',  and  in  all 
probability  the  presence  of  Berber  and  Vandal  in  the 
same  army  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  conquest 

of  Africa. 

The  ten  years'  war  and  the  triumph  of  barbarism 
over  civilization  wrought  havoc  among  the  Roman 
settlements^  On  all  sides  the  advance  of  the  invaders 
was  marked  by  burning  houses,  ruined  farms  and 
reckless  devastation.  When  Carthage  fell,  the  senseless 
rage  of  the  conquerors  was  turned  against  the  mag- 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  8. 

•^  The  authorities  for  the  ravages  of  the  Vandal,  arc: -^.ctor 
Vitensis,  i.  1-4;  Possidius,  Vita  S.  Ju,,«.f/,  c  28;  Procopius,  D. 
Jiello  Vandalico,  i.  3 — i. 


86      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

nificent  public  buildings,  and  the  peculiar  hatred  of 
the  beautiful,  which  has  given  to  the  Vandals  their 
evil  reputation,  now  especially  found  vent.  The  Odeon, 
the  theatre,  and  the  temple  of  Memory  perished  utterly, 
nor  did  the  Via  Caelestis  with  its  magnificent  pavement 
and  its  carven  pillars  escape  the  hands  of  the  destroyers  \ 

The  invaders  knew  no  mercy,  as  long  as  the  con- 
quest was  incomplete,  and  neither  age  nor  sex  protected 
the  miserable  provincials  from  their  enemies.  The  very 
babes  were  snatched  from  their  mothers'  arms  and 
hurled  to  the  ground,  and  the  only  safety  was  in  flight. 
The  country  districts  were  almost  depopulated,  and  the 
wretched  inhabitants  hid  in  the  caves  and  chasms  of 
the  mountains,  only  in  many  cases  to  meet  a  lingering- 
death  by  hunger  and  thirst.  When  Carthage  was  taken, 
the  fury  of  the  Vandals  had  somewhat  spent  itself  and 
less  barbarity  was  shewn.  There  were  not  so  many 
massacres,  and  the  invaders  sought  rather  to  enrich 
themselves  than  to  slay  the  citizens.  To  this  end  large 
numbers  of  the  senators  were  imprisoned  and  tortured 
and  compelled  to  give  up  all  their  gold,  silver  and 
precious  stones.  Many  others,  amongst  whom  were  the 
grandparents  of  Bishop  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe^  fled,  and 
if  they  left  their  property  behind  them,  no  obstacles 
seem  to  have  been  put  in  their  way. 

But  the  Vandals  were  more  than  mere  barbarians, 
filled  with  insensate  rage  against  the  noblest  works  of 
civilization ;  Arians  as  they  were,  they  were  firmly  at- 
tached to  Christianity  and  deeply  imbued  with  that  stern 
military  puritanism  which  so  often  appears  in  the  Teu- 

1  See  Prosper,  De  Promissionibus,  ii.  38,  for  a  description  of  the  Via. 
-  Vita  S.  Fulgentii,  c.  1. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE    VANDALS.  87 

tonic  race.  Perhaps  even  the  destruction  of  the  splendid 
buildings  of  Carthage  was  caused  by  their  real  or  fancied 
connection  with  old  pagan  gods.  At  any  rate  the  Catholic 
clergy  provoked  the  worst  feelings  in  the  minds  of  the 
Ai'ian  invaders,  who,  regarding  the  vices  of  the  orthodox 
provincials  with  loathing,  especially  marked  them  out 
for  insult  and  massacre.  They  were  believed  to  be 
the  possessors  of  vast  stores  of  concealed  wealth,  and 
fearful  tortures  were  used  to  cause  them  to  reveal  it. 
Their  mouths  were  held  open  with  sticks  and  tilled 
with  loathsome  filth ;  vile  compounds  of  salt  water, 
vinegar  and  the  lees  of  wine  were  forced  duwu  their 
throats  ;  cords  twisted  round  their  foreheads  and  legs 
cut  into  their  flesh  ;  and  some,  loaded  with  baggage 
like  camels,  were  goaded  on  until  they  fell  dead  with 
exhaustion.  1  If  overcome  by  their  miseries,  they  did 
give  up  their  possessions,  they  were  tormented  afresh 
to  make  them  produce  their  hidden  stores.  Vast 
numbers  were  thus  tortured,  and  Panpinian,  a  priest 
and  Mansuetus,  Bishop  of  Urci,  were  burned  to  death. 
In  all  directions  the  clergy  were  driven  out  or  slain  : 
religious  communities  were  broken  up  and  many  of 
the  devout  women  were  exposed  to  the  grossest  out- 
rage and  infamy.  When  the  Vandals  had  done  their 
worst  to  the  Catholic  clergy,  they  turned  their  at- 
tention to  the  churches.  Every  building  set  apart 
for  the  orthodox  worship,  the  monasteries  and  burying 
places,  were  ravaged  and  laid  waste  without  respect 
to  their  sacred  character.  Sacramental  vessels  and 
ecclesiastical  vestments  were  taken  and  destroyed ;  the 
churches  were  set  on  fire,  and  if  their  strength  defied 
the  hosts  of  the  despoilei-s,  the  doore  were  broken  open, 


88      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHUKCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

the  roofs  were  stripped  off,  the  walls  were  defaced  and 
only  a  desolate  ruin  was  left.  In  Carthage  the  Arians 
took  possession  of  the  Church  property,  and  either 
devoted  it  to  their  own  worship  or  turned  it  into 
dwelling-houses  for  their  priests  \ 

In  fact  for  a  time  the  Catholics  were  entirely  dis- 
organized. In  the  first  throes  of  their  distress  the 
clergy  appealed  to  St  Augustine  through  Bishop  Hono- 
ratus  to  know  whether  they  would  be  justified  in  leaving 
their  flocks  and  flying  to  places  of  greater  security. 
The  great  bishop  replied  that  they  must  not  shrink 
from  any  personal  danger;  if  all  were  in  peril,  let 
clergy  and  laity  flee  together ;  but  if  the  clergy  alone 
were  threatened,  they  must  not  desert  their  posts  to 
seek  their  own  safety'^.  But  with  all  her  devotion  it 
was  impossible  for  the  Church  to  maintain  her  efficiency. 
In  431  Capreolus  had  to  refuse  an  invitation  to  send 
delegates  to  the  Third  General  Council  at  Ephesus, 
on  the  ground  that  the  terrible  devastations  of  the 
Vandals  and  their  pressure  on  every  side  made  it  im- 
practicable to  summon  a  general  synod  in  Africa "\ 

Such  is  the  picture  drawn  by  the  historians  of  the 
ravages  of  the  Vandal  invaders.  But  it  is  not  clear 
that  some  of  the  colours  are  not  unduly  heightened 
by  religious  and  national  resentment.  No  Vandal 
writer  ever  arose  to  give  a  second  account  of  the  war, 
and  there  is  much  in  the  statements  of  Victor  and 
Possidius  to  shew  the  need  of  caution  in  accepting  their 
facts  as  literally  true. 

1  Isodorus,  Hispalensis,  Hist.  Vand.,  c.  75  ;  Prosper,  s.a.  443. 
vK  2  Possidius,  Vita  S.  Augusti.,  cr^S*.^ 

3  Euinart,  Hist.  Persecu.  Vand.,  iii.  2. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE    VANDALS.  H9 

Though  Victor  asserts  that  the  number  of  the  clergy 
who  were  tortured  was  too  great  to  be  told,  he  mentions 
only  two  by  name.  Fuller  particulars  of  the  massacres 
related  would  be  more  convincing  than  vague  denunci- 
ations ;  and  besides,  two  or  three  statements  of  the 
same  writer  are  almost  incredible.  In  the  first  })lace 
he  declares  that  the  Vandals  uprooted  all  the  fruit-trees 
in  order  to  prevent  the  fugitives  obtaining  food  from 
them\  Now  Gaiseric,  as  a  statesman,  who  had  come 
to  Africa  to  provide  a  home  for  his  people,  cannot  be 
believed  to  have  allowed  one  of  the  chief  sources  of 
the  wealth  of  the  province  to  be  destroyed  in  order  to 
gratify  a  momentary  passion.  Probably  at  the  first 
onset  he  sanctioned  extensive  ravages  from  motives 
of  policy  and  with  the  idea  of  striking  terror  into  the 
hearts  of  the  Liby-Phoenician  inhabitants.  But  when 
the  marvellous  remains  of  the  Roman  power  are  con- 
sidered, and  the  rapid  enervation  of  the  Vandals  through 
unaccustomed  luxuries  is  remembered,  it  seems  evident 
that  the  amount  of  devastation  has  been  greatly  ex-  ^  ^a^*"' 
aggerated. 

It  is  further  asserted  that  the  invaders  were  m 
the  habit  of  hastening  the  surrender  of  well-defended 
towns,  by  slaying  the  prisoners  and  })iling  their 
putrefying  bodies  against  the  walls  to  cause  disease 
amongst  the  garrison*.  If  resort  was  ever  had  to  this 
device,  its  ingenuity  was  certainly  admirable ;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  understand  how  it  did  not  recoil  u])on  its 
authors  and  involve  besieged  and  besiegers  alike  in 
one  dread  infection.  Perhaps,  however,  this  statement 
may  be  due  to  Victor's  uncritical  mind,  for  if  the 
1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  1.  *  Victor  Vit.,  i.  3. 


90      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

bodies  of  the  slain  around  the  town  caused  pestilence, 
it  does  not  follow  that  the  Vandals  deliberately  neg- 
lected all  sanitary  precautions  out  of  a  fiendish  policy 
of  spreading  disease. 

But  there  is  a  curious  anti-climax  in  Victor's 
complaints.  After  narrating  the  terrible  devastation 
of  the  country,  the  wrecking  of  the  churches,  the 
massacre  of  the  population  and  the  tortures  of  the 
clergy,  after  telling  of  the  fall  of  Carthage,  the  exile 
of  its  bishop  and  the  confiscation  of  the  basilicas,  he 
asks  how  anyone  can  endure  to  relate  without  tears 
that  the  Catholics  were  forced  to  carry  their  dear  ones 
in  silence  to  the  grave  without  the  consolation  of 
hymns  \  From  this  it  certainly  seems  probable  that 
after  the  capture  of  Carthage  at  any  rate  the  active 
persecution  of  the  Church  was  not  great. 

The  settlement  of  Africa  by  the  Vandals  confirms 
the  impression — our  facts  justify  nothing  more — that 
the  barbarity  of  the  invaders  has  been  painted  in  too 
glaring  a  hue.  There  was  of  course  much  individual 
hardship  and  much  confiscation  of  property,  but  if 
the  half-civilized  state  of  the  conquerors  and  the 
nature  of  the  work  they  had  to  do  are  considered,  it 
is  evident  that  their  measures  were  most  politic  and 
not  unduly  harsh.  Gaiseric  aimed  at  establishing  bis 
people  in  their  new  home,  at  securing  them  against 
domestic  risings  and  assuring  their  enjoyment  of  all 
that  was  best  of  the  land's  produce.  He  did  not  wish 
to  oppress  the  old  inhabitants  unnecessarily,  and,  once 
the    settlement  was  complete,  both   in    religious  and 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  5. 


THE   RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  91 

secular  matters  only  prominent  opponents  suffered  at 
his  hands. 

There  was  no  attempt  at  dcpupulatiun.  Indeed  the 
numbers  of  the  Vandals  prevented  any  such  scheme. 
Never  a  numerous  people,  when  the  conquest  wa.s  over, 
they  mustered  barely  fifty  thousand  able-bodied  soldiers. 
When  they  landed  they  had  only  eighty  thousand  males, 
and  this  included  not  only  the  Alani  but  old  men,  infants 
and  slaves^;  nor  did  theyreacheven  this  nominal  strength 
of  eighty  chiliarchies  until  they  had  intermarried  with 
the  Moors'^  The  utmost  Gaiseric  could  hope  to  do  was 
to  make  his  people  the  dominant  race  iu  Africa,  and 
in  order  to  effect  this  the  Berbers'  encroachments  had 
to  be  restrained  and  the  old  inhabitants  held  in  sub- 
jection. As  long  as  the  great  conqueror  lived  the  first 
difficulty  was  easily  met ;  the  border  tribes  were  forced 
or  cajoled  into  alliance  and  it  was  only  under  his  suc- 
cessors that  the  raids  of  the  Moors  gave  any  trouble. 

The  second  danger  was  the  greater.  For  the  con- 
quered race  were  indispensable  to  their  con(jueroi*s. 
They  tilled  the  soil  and  paid  the  taxes ;  they  introduced 
their  masters  to  comforts  as  yet  unknown  to  them ; 
their  habits  of  business  made  them  even  necessary 
for  the  carrying  on  of  the  administration. 

The  Vandals  seemed  to  conquer  Africa  ;  Afriea 
really  conquered  the  Vandals,  and  the  history  of  the 
invaders  during  the  next  hundred  years  is  the  story 
of  their  gradual  assimilation  by  those  whom  they  had 
defeated.  For  not  even  Rome  could  surpiuss  the  de- 
lights of  Carthage,  and  the  seductive  luxuries  of  the 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  1.  -  Procop.,  De  Hello  Vnnd.,  i.  5. 


92     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

hot  climate  of  Africa  combined  to  overcome  the  stern 
simplicity  of  the  northern  barbarians.  But  for  every 
luxury,  which  under  the  burning  rays  of  the  Libyan 
sun  became  a  necessity  of  life,  the  Vandals  were 
dependent  upon  the  despised  provincials,  and  had 
therefore  to  treat  them  with  moderation  and  con- 
siderateness. 

In  the  matter  of  government  also  the  Africans  had 
much  to  teach  the  Vandals.  They  had  for  centuries 
lived  under  the  highly  elaborated  system  of  the  Empire, 
which,  with  all  its  faults,  was  the  best  the  world  had 
yet  experienced.  The  Vandals  on  the  other  hand  had 
nothing  more  than  the  rude  tribal  organization  common 
to  all  Teutonic  peoples.  Gaiseric,  too  able  a  statesman 
to  destroy  an  instrument  he  could  not  replace,  decided 
to  continue  the  local  administration  on  the  lines  laid 
down  by  Roman  experience.  To  do  this  he  needed 
trained  officials,  and  his  own  warriors  were  quite  un- 
able to  take  the  place  of  the  Imperial  staff.  He  was 
forced  to  employ  the  old  officials,  and  had  to  trust  to 
the  aid  of  provincials  to  oppress  their  unfortunate  fellow- 
countrymen.  Many  of  the  victims  of  Arian  oppression 
were  men  occupying  high  positions  in  the  civil  service  \ 
and  the  decree  of  Hunneric  against  the  Catholics  keeps 
exactly  the  same  list  of  officials  and  rank  as  it  had  when 
it  was  first  drawn,  up  a  century  before  by  Theodosius^. 

Still  though  the  Vandals  did  not  try  to  exterminate 
the  old  population,  they  provided  themselves  with 
estates  from  the  conquered  territories.  A  division  of 
the   provinces   between    the    king    and    his    followers 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  14—18,  etc. 

2  Compare  Victor  Vit.,  v.  12,  and  Theodos.,  God.,  xvi.  v.  48. 


THE   RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  [Ki 

formed  the  basis  of  the  settlement  V  The  greater  part 
of  Zeugitana,  a  small  but  very  productive  district  round 
Carthage,  known  henceforth  as  the  "  Sortes  Vanda- 
lorum,"  was  granted  to  the  two  sons  of  Gaiseric  and  to 
the  Vandals.  Byzacene,  Abaritana  and  Getulia,  kept 
by  the  king  as  the  royal  demesne,  were  still  inhabited 
by  the  old  population.  As  the  conquerore  were  un- 
able to  occupy  all  the  lands,  only  the  best  estates 
were  actually  seized  by  them ;  but  the  former  ownere 
of  these  received  no  compensation  and  were  reduced 
to  the  utmost  poverty.  Still  they  were  not  enslaved, 
but  were  free  to  depart  to  any  place  they  wished, 
and  were  perhaps  not  much  worse  off  than  those 
who  still  kept  their  estates  in  the  Sortes  \'anfla- 
lorum.  For  as  the  lands  of  the  king  and  the  Vandals 
paid  no  taxes,  the  whole  expenses  of  government  fell 
upon  the  old  inhabitants.  Nearly  all  the  produce  of 
the  poorer  farms  was  seized  by  the  conquerors,  and,  as 
the  wretched  cultivators  had  barely  enough  to  keep 
body  and  soul  together,  many  of  them  fled  in  despair 
of  making  a  living,  and  others  were  arrested  on  tlie 
charge  of  concealing  wealth  and  put  to  death.  After 
a  time  these  exactions  became  less,  and  at  length 
the  whole  land-tax  fell  into  abeyance,  for  when  Africa 
had  been  reconquered  and  an  attempt  was  made  to 
impose  the  old  dues  on  the  land,  all  record  of  the 
former  assessment  had  disappeared,  and  great  dis- 
satisfaction was  felt  at  what  was  thought  a  novel  and 
tyrannical  exaction  ^ 

^  For  account  of  this  settlement,  cf.  Vrocopiu^,  De  Hell.  Vatui.,  i.  o, 
and  Victor  Vit.,  i.  5. 

2  Procop.,  De  Bello  Vand.,  ii.  S. 


94     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

The  greatest  crime  in  the  eyes  of  the  Vandals 
was  the  ownership,  especially  the  secret  ownership,  of 
portable  wealth.  When  the  first  settlement  was  made 
the  country  magnates  had  been  especially  singled  out 
for  oppression,  and  if  anyone  was  conspicuous  for  wealth 
or  good  birth  he  was  at  once  enslaved  and  given  to 
Hunneric  and  Genzo,  the  two  surviving  sons  of  Gaiseric. 
No  doubt  the  precariousness  of  the  position  of  the 
Vandals  dictated  this  policy.  Surrounded  as  they 
were  by  an  alien  population,  dreading  fresh  attempts 
at  reconquest,  and  by  no  means  entirely  united  amongst 
themselves \  it  was  all  important  for  them  to  secure 
against  internal  risings  the  great  danger  of  a  conquer- 
ing race.  The  disaffected  of  their  own  race  it  was  easy 
to  crush ;  to  check  the  muttering  discontent  of  the  old 
inhabitants  was  a  far  more  difficult  task.  The  simplest 
and  most  effectual  means  was  to  deprive  the  Africans 
of  their  natural  leaders.  As  long  as  those  remained 
who  had  the  means,  or  were  qualified  to  head  a  rising, 
the  Vandals  could  never  be  secure,  and  every  expedition 
of  the  Eastern  or  Western  Emperors  was  ten  times  more 
dangerous.  But  when  once  the  important  men  had  been 
exiled  or  enslaved,  the  fear  of  domestic  insurrection  well- 
nigh  passed  away. 

Gaiseric  was,  however,  led  by  this  feeling  of  in- 
security to  measures  of  more  doubtful  policy.  In  his 
anxiety  to  deprive  any  rebels  of  a  base  of  operations 
he  forgot  the  dominating  feature  of  the  political 
situation  of  the  province.  He  overlooked  the  ever- 
threatening  attitude   of  the  Moors,  and,  trusting  too 

1  Prosper,  s.a.,  446;  Prosper  Tyro,  s.a.,  442. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  95 

much  in  his  o\vii  powers  of  keeping  them  quiet, 
destroyed  the  walls  of  all  the  towns,  even  of  those  un 
the  border.  The  defences  of  Carthage  alone  were 
spared,  and  the  rest  of  the  province  was  left  at  the 
mercy  of  any  attacking  force.  As  long  as  Gaiseric 
lived  little  harm  came  of  this  policy ;  but  in  the  davs 
of  his  weaker  successors,  and  even  after  the  restoration 
of  the  Roman  power,  the  borders  were  harried  by 
the  Moors  at  their  own  pleasure,  and  the  miserable 
inhabitants  of  the  province  had  to  trust  to  barricades 
from  house  to  house  and  such  crazy  defences  as  they 
had  the  means  to  throw  up\ 

Although  the  Africans  were  greatly  oppressed  for 
the  first  few  years  of  the  Vandal  occupation,  it  seems 
that  as  soon  as  the  new-comers  felt  themselves  secure, 
their  lot  was  considerably  ameliorated,  and  perhaps  tlid 
not  compare  unfavourably  with  the  position  of  the  lower 
classes  within  the  Roman  Empire.  No  doubt  the 
taxation  of  the  lands  unappropriated  by  the  Vandals 
was  very  heavy ;  but  it  can  hardly  have  been  heavier 
than  that  imposed  by  the  imperial  government',  and 
the  discontent  aroused  by  Justinian's  demands  seems 
to  shew  that  as  time  went  on  it  was  remitteiP.  More- 
over Gaiseric  allowed  no  one  to  plunder  the  old 
inhabitants  but  himself.  The  gmndjmrents  of  St 
Fulgentius  had  fled  from  Africa  (hning  the  invasion 
and  abandoned  all  their  property.  On  their  death 
their  two  sons  decided  to  return  and  try  to  rt'gain 
their  patrimony.     Their  house  at  Carthage  had  bctn 

1  Procop.,  De  Bell.  Vandal.,  i.  5  ;  De  .Edificiis,  vi.  §§  5,  G. 
-'  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  ii.  264. 
^  Procop.,  De  Bell.  Vand.,  ii.  8. 


96     THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

assigned  to  the  Arian  priests  and  was  of  course  irre- 
coverable, but  their  estates  in  Byzacene  were  success- 
fully claimed  through  the  authority  of  the  king  himself  \ 
There  could  not  have  been  much  serious  oppression  at 
this  time  if  two  fugitives  were  willing  and  able  to 
return,  and  the  whole  incident  bespeaks  an  orderly  and 
comparatively  just  government.  The  stories  of  the 
martyi's  point  to  the  same  conclusion.  Saturus,  the 
procurator  of  the  household  of  Hunneric,  was  a  man 
of  considerable  wealth-,  and  the  master  of  Marcella, 
Martinianus  and  Saturianus  evidently  valued  them 
and  tried  to  make  them  contented  I  There  was  no 
hindrance  placed  upon  free  communication,  and  St 
Fulgentius  was  able  to  found  monasteries  with  far 
more  security  than  might  have  been  expected  in  a 
bitterly  Arian  state.  In  fact  under  the  Vandal  rule 
the  position  of  the  African  peasantry  was  not  exception- 
ally hard. 

One  great  reform  was  left  to  the  shame  of  the 
Catholics  to  the  heretical  conquerors  to  carry  out.  It 
has  been  said  that  Carthage  was  the  most  immoral 
of  cities;  prostitution  and  still  viler  vices  were  rife, 
and  some  of  the  clergy  even  were  contaminated. 
Against  all  this  the  Vandals,  at  any  rate  at  the  com- 
mencement of  their  rule,  set  their  faces.  The  brothels 
were  closed ;  the  courtesans  were  forced  to  marry ;  the 
catamites  were  expelled,  and  the  strictest  laws  were 
made  against  all  immorality ^  Unfortunately  in  the 
end  the  northern  invaders  relaxed  their  severe  code. 

1  Vita,  Sti.  Fulgent.  §  1.  2  victor  Vit.,  i.  16. 

3  Victor  Vit.,  i.  11. 

^  Salvian,  De  Guhernatione  Dei,  viii.  85 — 100. 


THE   RISE   OF  THE   VANDALS.  97 

They  could  not  preserve  their  purity  iu  the  hot  climate 
of  Africa,  and  soon  became  the  slaves  of  every  furm 
of  luxury  and  vice. 

Gaiseric  however  found  that  his  work  did  not  end 
with  the  subjection  of  the  Roman  inhabitants.  He 
was  at  the  head  of  a  wan-ior  race,  flushed  with  success 
and  demoralized  by  fifteen  years  of  pillage  and  raj)ine, 
and  he  experienced  the  dithculties  of  all  leaders  of 
conquering  hordes.  As  long  as  his  followers  were 
employed  they  were  easy  to  rule,  as  soon  an  their 
success  was  assured  discontent  broke  out  amongst 
them.  Probably  Gaiseric  undertook  his  piratical  voy- 
ages as  much  to  secure  his  own  throne  as  to  harass 
the  Empire.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Vandal  nobility 
felt  that  the  increased  authority*  assumed  by  the  king, 
if  necessary  in  war,  was  intolerable  in  peace ;  and  now 
that  they  were  the  undisputed  masters  of  Africa  and 
the  time  had  come  to  lay  aside  their  swords  and  settle 
quietly  down,  they  remembered  that  there  were  ugly 
tales  about  the  manner  of  his  accession.  In  442  their 
discontent  nearly  came  to  a  head  and  the  miserable 
province  was  not  far  from  the  horroi-s  of  civil  war. 
The  conspiracy  was  discovered  and  promptly  put  down. 
With  such  ruthlessness  were  tortures  and  death  meted 
out  to  all  suspected  of  plotting  against  the  king,  that 
it  was  said  that  more  died  through  this  revolt  than 
would  have  perished  in  an  unsuccessful  wa^^ 

Alarmed  by  this  narrow  escape,  Gaiseric  determined 
to  settle  once  for  all  the  rule  of  the  succession.      In 

1  About  this  time  Gaiseric  took  the  title  of  King,  cf.:— Theophanes, 
s.a.  441. 

'  Prosper  Tvro,  Dioscuro  et  Eudoxio  Coss,  s.a.  442. 

H.      ■  1 


98     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

his  will  he  declared  that  in  future  the  crown  should 
always  belong  to  the  eldest  male  of  the  royal  stock\ 

Into  the  rest  of  the  secular  history  of  Gaiseric's 
reign  there  is  no  need  to  go  at  length.  It  was  passed 
on  his  part  in  predatory  expeditions  against  the  islands 
of  the  Mediterranean,  and  on  the  part  of  the  Emperors 
of  the  East  and  West  in  fruitless  expeditions  to  recover 
the  Roman  province.  Even  before  the  conquest  of 
Africa  was  complete,  the  terrible  galleys  of  the  Vandals 
sallied  forth  from  Carthage  and  before  many  years 
were  over  they  became  the  undisputed  masters  of  the 
Mediterranean.  In  440  Sicily  was  ravaged,  Panormus 
was  besieged  for  some  months,  and  the  Catholics  felt 
the  rage  of  the  invaders ^  No  country  was  safe,  and 
Spain,  Italy  and  Greece^  in  turn  had  cause  to  regret 
the  impotence  of  the  Emperors.  On  the  death  of 
Valentinian,  the  Vandals  were  strong  enough  to  extend 
their  conquests,  and  Sardinia,  Corsica,  Sicily  and  the 
Balearic  Isles'*  fell  into  their  hands.  Sicily  was  how- 
ever recovered  by  Marcellinus^  in  463,  only  to  be 
exposed  to  fresh  attacks  until  the  final  peace  with 
Zeno  in  476  gave  the  Empire  a  brief  respited 

The  supremacy  of  Gaiseric  was  however  shewn  by 
a  still  greater  exhibition  of  power.  After  the  murder 
of  Valentinian  III.,  the  Empress  Eudoxia,  who  had  been 
forced  into  a  union  with  Maximus,  the  assassin  of  her 
husband,  saw  no    escape   save   in   seeking   help   from 


1  Jordanes,  De  Eebus  Geticis,  c.  33;  Procop.,  De  Bello  Vand.,  i.  7. 

2  Idatius,  15th  year  of  Theodosius  II.  ^  Victor  Vit.,  i.  17. 
*  Victor  Vit.  i.  4.                     ^  Idatius,  2nd  year  of  Severus. 

fi  Procop.,  De  Bello  Vand. ,  i.  17. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  99 

Carthage \  So  in  455  the  Vandal  fleet  appeared  off 
Ostia  and  found  the  city  defenceless  before  them.  In 
hope  of  securing  some  sort  of  mercy  Pope  Leo  the 
Great  advanced  to  meet  them  and  besought  them  to 
abstain  from  ravages.  The  best  terms  he  could  obtain 
was  that  for  fourteen  days  Rome  should  be  given  up  to 
plunder.  The  Empress,  her  two  daughters,  Eudocia 
and  Placidia,  Gaudentius  the  son  of  Actus  and  hundreds 
of  lesser  prisoners  were  carried  off.  Gold,  silver  and 
brass,  "  the  riches  of  many  kings,"  were  seized ;  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  was  destroyed  to  get 
at  its  golden  and  brazen  roof;  and  richly  jewelled 
chalices,  ecclesiastical  robes,  the  furniture  of  the 
Imperial  palace,  the  spoils  of  the  Tem])le  brought  by 
Titus  from  Jerusalem,  became  the  prey  of  the  Vandals. 
On  the  return  to  Africa,  one  of  the  ships  containing 
the  captured  statues  was  lost,  but  the  rest  of  the  spoil 
and  the  prisoners  were  divided  amongst  the  Vandals 
and  their  Moorish  allies.  The  Empress  Eudoxia  and 
her  daughter  Placidia  were  sent  to  Const{\ntinople, 
possibly  ransomed  by  the  Emperor  Leo';  but  Eudoria 
was  married  to  Hunneric,  Gaiseric's  eldest  son.  With 
him  she  passed  sixteen  years  of  married  life  and  became 
the  mother  of  Hilderic;  in  471,  she  fled  to  Jerusiilem 
and  died  there '. 

Gaiseric  however  was  not  left  to  pursue  his  piracies 
undisturbed;  for  both  the  Western  and  Eastern  Em- 
perors  made   futile  attempts   to  remove   the  scourge 

1  For  account  of  Vandal  capture  of  Rome,  vide  Prosper,  s.a.  455  ; 
Theophanes,  s.a.  447—8  ;  Victor  Vit.,  i.  8  ;  Procop.,  De  Hello  Vand., 

1.5. 

=  Chrou.  Paschale,  s.a.  445.  ^  Theophanes,  s.a.  464. 

7—9 


100    THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

of  the  Mediterranean.  The  abortive  expedition  of 
Theodosius  in  441  has  already  been  mentioned.  In 
458 \  Majorian  threatened  an  attack  by  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar  and  again  Gaiseric  entered  into  negotiations ; 
but  the  boats,  prepared  for  the  expedition,  were  stolen 
by  the  Vandals,  so  that  the  Emperor  had  effected 
nothing  before  his  death  of  dysentery.  In  463,  as  has 
been  already  stated,  Marcellinus  recovered  Sicily  for 
the  Western  Empire,  and  the  next  few  years  saw 
Gaiseric  threatened  by  three  other  expeditions.  In 
467  and  469",  Anthemius  is  said  to  have  prepared 
to  attack  him :  but  the  political  situation  and  the 
difficulties  of  navigation  foiled  his  first  attempt,  and 
of  the  second  expedition  nothing  is  known,  except  its 
conception  and  the  appointment  of  Marcellinus  and 
Richimer  as  leaders.  Far  more  dangerous  was  the 
great  armament  despatched  by  Leo,  the  Emperor  of 
the  West,  in  468 ^  It  was  commonly  said  that  no 
fewer  than  100,000  men  were  sent  under  the  command 
of  Basiliscus  to  reconquer  Africa.  At  the  same  time 
Marcellinus  conquered  Sardinia  and  Heraclius  ravaged 
Tripoli.  Gaiseric,  dismayed  at  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  felt  that  resistance  was  hopeless.  However 
where  force  failed,  guile  succeeded ;  during  a  five  days' 
truce  which  the  crafty  barbarian  had  obtained  from 
Basiliscus,  he  sent  fire-ships  amongst  the  unguarded 
fleet  of  the  Romans.     A  sudden  attack  comiDleted  the 

1  Isid.,  Hispal.  Hist.  Vandal.,  §  76  ;  Idatius,  4th  year  of  Majorian; 
Procop.,  Be  Bello  Vandal.,  i.  7. 

2  Idatius,  2nd  year  of  Severus ;  1st  year  of  Anthemius ;  3rd  year 
of  Anthemius. 

3  Procop.,  De  Bello  Vand.,  i.  6  ;  Theophanes,  s.a.  463. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE    VANDALS.  101 

work  of  the  Haines  and  Le</s  Armada  wa^  utterly 
destroyed. 

The  failure  of  this  enterprise  brought  (juiet  to  the 
Vandals.  The  Western  Emperors  were  sonn  in  no 
position  to  liarass  them,  and  Odoacer,  when  he  had 
gained  the  mastery  of  Italy  feeling  little  inclination 
to  attack  a  fellow  barbarian,  concluded  a  peace' 
with  Gaiseric,  by  which  all  Sicily  e.\cept  a  small 
portion  was  ceded  to  him  in  return  for  a  yearly 
tribute.  The  Eastern  Emperors  found  enout^di  t<j  do 
near  home  and  abandoned  expeditions  to  Africa  as  too 
costly  and  precarious.  Gaiseric  was  left  to  resume  his 
ravages  unchecked  until  in  476  he  made  a  treaty  with 
Zeno-,  and  pledged  himself  to  leave  the  Imperial 
dominions  unmolested  on  condition  of  undisturbed 
possession  of  his  conquests.  This  treaty  wjvs  observed 
on  the  part  of  the  Romans  until  the  days  of  Justinian. 

The  polic}'  pursued  by  Gaiseric  towards  the  Catholic 
Church  resembled  in  many  ways  his  treatment  of  the 
old  landowners.  He  neither  tried  to  exterminate  it, 
nor  did  he  persecute  it  with  fanatical  bigotry,  and  was 
willing  to  leave  it  alone  when  he  could.  But  he  did 
liis  best  to  depress  it,  to  deprive  it  of  its  ohl  auth<»rity, 
and  above  all  he  permitted  nt)  proselytism  amongst  the 
Vandals.  Indeed  he  seems  to  have  accepted  it  as  a 
factor  of  the  situation,  and  to  have  realized  that  a.s  long 
as  there  was  a  Roman  population,  so  long  woidd  there 
be  an  anti-Arian  Church.  But  as  he  would  not  suffer 
the   old    inhabitants   to   own   great    wealth  or  to  hold 

^  Victor  Vit.,  i.  4. 

2  Procop.,  Df  Ih'Uo  Vaud.,  i.  7  ;  Isidorus,  llifpaUnsU  Ilitt.  Vand. 
§  77. 


102    THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES    IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

prominent  positions,  so  he  was  determined  not  to  grant 
any  official  importance  to  the  Catholics. 

Such  a  policy  necessitated  much  severity  at  first. 
Influential  clergy  had  to  be  removed ;  the  possessions 
of  the  Church  were  confiscated,  and  the  public  services 
discontinued.  Moreover  the  national  creed  of  the 
Vandals  needed  support,  and  whence  was  it  more 
fitting  to  endow  the  Arian  hierarchy  than  from  the 
rich  coffers  of  their  defeated  rivals  ?  Therefore  from 
the  first  the  churches  and  estates  of  the  Catholics  were 
transferred  to  their  conquerors  and  they  were  subjected 
to  galling  restrictions. 

But  as  soon  as  the  Vandals  were  firmly  seated  in 
their  new  homes  and  their  Church  seemed  sufficiently 
established,  there  was  less  need  to  persecute  the 
Catholics  and  the  regulations  were  relaxed.  Though 
the  persecution  was  renewed  from  time  to  time,  some- 
times by  the  king,  more  often  by  the  unauthorized 
outbreaks  of  the  Vandals,  it  was  rather  dictated  by 
political  motives  and  national  jealousy  than  by  hatred 
for  theological  opponents.  In  fact  under  Gaiseric,  the 
Catholic  Church  in  Africa  though  disestablished  and 
disendowed  was  not  persecuted.  This  treatment  is  sur- 
prisingly moderate.  The  Vandals  were  Arians,  and  at 
this  time  the  lines  of  division  in  doctrine  and  secular 
affairs  were  almost  coincident.  Nearly  all  the  invaders 
of  the  Empire  were  Arians,  and  Rome  herself  was  now 
entirely  Athanasian ;  the  contest  between  barbarian  and 
Roman  seemed  therefore  to  involve  not  only  the  fate  of 
the  masters  of  the  world  but  the  creed  of  all  mankind. 
Under  these  circumstances  there  would  have  been 
nothing   extraordinary   if   the    Vandals   had   tried   to 


THE   RISE   OF  THE   VANDALS.  108 

utterly  stamp  out  African  Catholicism;  to  tolerate  or 
at  least  shut  their  eyes  to  it  as  they  did  proves  the 
great  political  wisdom  of  their  king,  and  this  wisdom 
was  all  the  greater,  if  Gaiseric,  as  has  been  alleged,  was 
really  an  apostate  from  the  Catholic  Faith  ^ 

Still  though  it  is  fair  to  praise  the  moderation 
of  the  Vandals,  it  does  not  follow  that  there  is  no 
need  to  pity  those  under  their  sway.  The  mercy  of 
barbarian  conquerors  and  the  chances  of  war  are  at 
best  cruel,  and  the  African  Church  had  to  pass 
through  a  very  fiery  trial  before  it  reached  the  com- 
parative quiet  that  marked  the  close  of  Gaiseric's 
reign.  The  ravages  of  the  invasion  and  the  special 
damage  done  to  the  churches  and  clergy  have  already 
been  described,  and  there  is  no  need  to  repeat  thi' 
catalogue  of  horrors.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
until  peace  was  declared  the  ecclesiastical  organization 
of  the  distracted  province  was  completely  broken  uj). 
and  even  before  the  death  of  St  Augustine,  the  Churches 
of  Carthage,  Hippo  and  Cirta  alone  survived ^  When 
order  was  restored,  Leo  the  Great  wrote  to  the  bishops 
of  Mauntania  Caesiiriensis^  and  rebuked  them  for  the 
state  of  their  province  ;  and  this  letter,  though  addressed 
to  a  part  always  more  unruly  than  the  rest  of  Africa, 
betrays  the  extent  to  which  the  life  of  the  Church  had 
suffered. 

All  decency  and  order  had  broken  down ;  the  epis- 
copate had  become  the  prize  of  ambitious  men  and  was 
sought  rather  for  the  sake  of  power  than  for  the  op])or- 

1  Isidor.,  Ilixpal.  Ili.^t.  I'./;ui.,  §  7-4. 

'  Posaidius,  Vita  S.  AuifuMini,L  28.  '  Leo  L,  Ep.  12. 


104     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

tunity  of  doing  good.  Elections  of  bishops  were  made 
with  violence  and  confusion  ;  laymen  were  suddenly 
consecrated  without  becoming  priests  or  deacons,  and 
small  sees  were  multiplied.  The  inferior  orders  were 
in  no  better  condition,  and  mere  boys  and  neophytes 
were  ordained  without  adequate  instruction.  The  rules 
of  the  Church  and  of  morality  were  disregarded;  priests 
were  married  for  the  second  time,  even  though  in  some 
cases  their  first  wives  were  alive,  and  others  were  united 
to  widows.  Such  men  could  not  be  allowed  to  exercise 
their  sacred  functions;  but  to  other  offenders  less 
severit}^  was  to  be  shewn.  The  hasty  consecration  of 
bishops  was  to  be  regarded  as  valid,  and  the  insignifi- 
cant sees  which  had  survived  were  permitted  to  re- 
main ;  but  in  future  hands  were  not  to  be  laid  upon 
candidates  for  Holy  Orders  without  due  consideration, 
and  the  small  dioceses  were  to  be  united  as  vacancies 
arose.  The  letter  bears  further  witness  to  the  violence 
of  the  times  by  its  decision  as  to  the  treatment  of  those 
consecrated  virgins  who  had  suffered  violence  at  the 
hands  of  the  invaders  and  their  allies. 

The  deliberate  harm  done  to  the  Catholics  by 
Gaiseric  was  actuated  by  two  motives ;  the  establish- 
ment of  Arianism  and  the  preservation  of  the  Vandals 
from  conversion.  To  accomplish  his  first  object,  he 
confiscated  many  of  the  churches  and  handed  them 
over  to  the  heretical  clergy.  The  basilica  of  St  Celerina 
or  the  Martyrs  of  Scillitana,  where  the  holy  bodies 
of  St  Perpetua  and  St  Felicitas  reposed^,  was  thus 
taken  possession  of  by  the  Arian  priests.    At  Carthage^, 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  3.  2  Victor  Vit.,  i.  o. 


THE    RISE    OF   THE    VANDALS.  10') 

all  the  churches  within  the  walls,  notably  one  called 
Restituta,  were  lost  to  the  Catholics,  and  some  of  those 
in  the  suburbs,  and  especially  two  dedicated  to  the 
memory  of  St  Cyprian,  the  great  champion  of  orthodoxy, 
shared  the  same  fate.  Some  of  the  confiscated  build- 
ings were  used  for  the  Aiian  woi-ship,  but  others  were 
turned  into  houses  for  the  Vandal  priests'.  As  the 
Church  of  (\arthage  had  owned  great  wealth,  Gaiseric 
was  able  to  endow  his  national  hierarchy  with(.ut  any 
difficulty  from  its  funds. 

In  spite  of  these  confiscations  the  Catholics  were  in 
the  vast  majority.  A  good  many  indeed  tried  to  buy 
the  favour  of  the  conquerors  by  renouncing  the  Faith 
and  becoming  Arians'';  but  the  deflection  of  these  did 
not  materially  weaken  the  Church,  and  Gaiseric  saw 
that  rigorous  measures  were  necessary  to  protect  his 
own  people  from  convei-sion.  The  problem  before  him 
in  ecclesiastical  matters  was  identical  witli  that  pre- 
sented by  secular  affairs.  Once  again  he  had  to  ])re- 
vent  the  undoing  by  sheer  weight  of  numbers  of  the 
work  accomplished  by  force  of  arms  ;  and  he  adopted 
the  same  wise  and  moderate  policy  to  effect  his  object. 
The  defeated  Catholics  were  deprived  of  their  leaders 
and  were  to  be  cut  off  from  any  opportunities  of  gaining 
influence.  Many  of  the  clergy  and  bishops  had  been 
killed  and  driven  away  during  the  conquest;  now 
many  more  were  exiled.  Quodvultdeus,  Bishop  of 
Carthage,  and  a  large  number  of  his  clergy  were  placed 
upon    a    ship,  described  by   the   prejudiced    Victor  as 

1  Prosper  Tyro,  s.n.  430  ;  Isidor.,  Ilispal.  llixt.  land.,  75. 

2  Prosper,  De  Promissioiiibus  Dei,  iv.  5. 


106     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

unseaworthy,  and  bidden  go  whithersoever  they  would; 
providentially  they  succeeded  in  reaching  Italy  and 
landed  in  safety  at  Neapolis\  From  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment at  any  rate  all  the  Catholic  clergy  were  to  be 
expelled,  and  three  priests,  who  for  a  time  escaped  the 
vigilance  of  the  Vandals,  were  afterwards  captured  and 
exiled.  Moreover  in  Carthage  the  public  worship  of 
the  Arians  was  alone  allowed  and  the  Catholics  were 
even  forbidden  to  practise  their  own  funeral  rites  I 

Outside  the  city,  in  the  country  districts  of  the 
Sortes  Vandalorum,  much  the  same  measures  were 
ordained,  but  never  effectually  carried  out.  All  Ca- 
tholic worship  was  forbidden,  but  the  clergy  were  not 
expelled  but  simply  ordered  to  abstain  from  their 
ministrations,  and  the  vacancies  in  their  ranks,  caused 
by  death  or  exile,  were  not  to  be  refilled  ^  Probably 
Gaiseric  realized  that  a  rigorous  persecution  would  be 
both  dangerous  and  futile  and  hoped  to  slowly  strangle 
the  Church,  which  he  could  not  actively  repress.  In 
the  parts  belonging  to  the  kiug  and  inhabited  almost 
entirely  by  the  Roman  provincials,  there  was  much 
less  persecution.  For  here  there  was  no  Arian  hier- 
archy to  maintain  and  no  Vandal  population  to  save 
from  conversion ;  and  so,  though  isolated  cases  of 
Catholics  suffering  for  their  faith  may  be  found,  and 
though  the  clergy  were  exposed  to  vexatious  accusa- 
tions, the  Church,  harassed  as  it  was,  was  never  in 
danger  of  actual  extinction. 

Even  within  the  Sortes  Vandalorum  there  was 
much  unavowed  toleration,  and  as  long  as  the  Catholic 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  5.      2  victor  Vit.,  i.  5.      3  Victor  Vit.,  i.  7. 


THE   RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  107 

priests  did  nut  force  themselves  upon  the  notice  of  the 
conquerors,  little  heed  was  paid  to  the  quiet  work  that 
they  were  accomplishing.  Their  zeal  however  often 
outran  their  discretion  and  they  were  too  brave  or  too 
fanatical  to  conform  to  the  necessities  of  the  time.  As 
soon  as  the  decrees  against  Catholic  worship  in  the 
Sortes  Vandalorum  had  gone  forth,  a  deputation  of 
clergy  and  leading  men  waited  upon  Gaiseric  at  Li- 
gula,  a  place  on  the  sea-shore,  and  asked  his  permission 
to  live  in  peace  amongst  the  Vandals  and  console  their 
afflicted  people.  Though  no  doubt  they  promised  not 
to  interfere  with  the  Arians,  but  one  answer  could 
have  been  expected,  and  that  was  given  with  barbarian 
ferocity.  "  I  have  decreed  to  gi*ant  nothing  to  your 
name  and  race,  and  you  dare  to  ask  such  things!" 
thundered  the  angry  king  and  ordered  them  to  be 
taken  and  drowned  in  the  sea.  But  owing  to  the 
remonstrances  of  the  royal  advisers  the  delegates  were 
permitted  to  depart\ 

In  spite  of  this  repulse  the  Catholic  clergy  con- 
tinued their  ministrations  in  secret  and  as  a  rule 
unmolested.  But  sometimes,  perhaps  galled  by  their 
own  position  and  the  open  victory  of  the  heretics, 
an  incautious  preacher  would  call  to  mind  the  glorious 
deeds  of  the  Jewish  race  and  stigmatizing  the  Vandal 
monarch  as  Pharaoh,  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  Holofernes, 
would  pray  for  a  national  deliverer.  At  once  the  fear 
of  the  Vandals  was  aroused  and  the  rash  speaker  paid 
for  his  words  by  his  exile.  Six  bishops  were  in  this 
way  driven  from  their  sees  or  otherwise  punished,  but 

^  Victor  Vit.,  i.  5. 


108    THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

the  offence  of  only  one  of  them  has  been  recorded. 
Felix  of  Adrumetum,  in  Byzacene,  received  a  monk 
named  John  from  across  the  seas,  and  thus  no  doubt 
seemed  to  be  in  political  communication  with  the 
Empire.  He  was  banished,  but  of  the  other  five, 
Eustratius  of  Sufes,  in  Byzacene,  Urbanus  of  Girba  and 
Habetdeus  of  Theudales,  in  Zeugitana,  Crescens  of 
Aquae,  the  Metropolitan  of  Mauritania  Caesariensis, 
Vices  of  Sabrata  and  Cresconius  of  Oea,  in  Tripoli ; 
not  even  their  punishment  is  known \  Probably  they 
had  offended  by  indiscreet  boldness  or  had  excited  the 
anger  of  some  capricious  official.  They  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  killed  or  tortured,  and  their  distance  from 
one  another  makes  it  most  unlikely  that  their  sufferings 
were  due  to  definite  policy.  Their  places  were  not 
refilled ;  but  yet  in  spite  of  the  disabilities  of  the 
Church  and  the  harassing  of  the  Vandals  the  number 
of  the  Catholics  continually  increased. 

As  time  went  on  and  the  conquest  of  Africa  became 
recognized  by  all  the  world  as  the  established  order  of 
things,  the  restrictions  on  the  Church  were  gradually 
relaxed.  In  452,  the  names  of  certain  African  bishops 
occur  amongst  the  signatories  of  the  canons  of  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon^;  probably  these  were  merely 
exiles,  but  if  they  were  delegates  it  shews  that  the 
ecclesiastical  organization  of  Africa  was  already  restored 
and  that  the  Vandal  king  had  begun  the  policy  of 
toleration  on  which  he  was  formally  to  enter  in  a  few 
years.  For  Gaiseric,  as  he  saw  the  steady  growth  of 
his  prestige  beyond  his  dominions  and  the  absence  of 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  7.  ^  Euinart,  Hist.  Persec.  Vandal.,  vi.  4. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE    VANDALS.  109 

all  domestic  revolts,  was  more  disposed  to  Icjok  with 
contemptuous  indifference  than  fear  upon  the  Church 
of  his  defeated  subjects,  and  so,  when  Valentinian 
interceded  for  the  Catholics  of  Carthage,  he  was  ready 
to  consider  his  requests.  It  was  a  proud  moment  for  the 
Vandal  king.  As  the  Emperor  of  the  West,  the  former 
master  of  Africa,  was  now  a  suppliant  for  bare  justice 
to  his  old  people  at  the  throne  of  a  barbarian  conqueror, 
it  may  be  fjiirly  supposed  that  gratified  vanity  as  nnich 
as  change  of  policy  brought  about  Gaiseric's  short-lived 
toleration  of  the  Church.  But  whatever  his  motive 
may  have  been,  on  Sunday,  the  25th  of  October,  454, 
the  king  allowed  Deogratias  to  be  consecrated  in  the 
Basilica  of  St  Faustus,  as  Catholic  Bishop  of  Carthage  ^ 
Two  churches  at  least,  and  perhaps  a  still  larger 
number,  were  restored  to  the  Church  and  her  ecclesiiis- 
tical  organization  was  once  more  permitted. 

In  bringing  this  about,  Valentinian  III.  was  un- 
consciously preparing  the  greatest  benefits  for  the 
citizens  of  Rome  herself.  The  year  after  the  consecra- 
tion of  Deogratias  saw  the  fiiU  of  the  Imperial  City  and 
the  carrying  off  of  thousands  of  her  inhabitants.  The 
miserable  captives  were  carried  to  Carthage  and  kept 
there  until  they  could  be  divided  and  sold  to  the 
Vandals  and  their  Moorish  allies.  The  sea- voyage 
in  crowded  ships  and  the  violence  of  their  captoi-s  had 
broken  down  the  health  of  many,  and  now  they  found 
themselves  face  to  face  with  all  the  iiorrors  of  slavery 
in  the  hot  climate  of  Africa.  To  them  in  their  awful 
plight  the  restored  Church  held  out  a  helping  hand ; 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  8;  Prosper  Tyro,  .Etio  et  Studio  Cou. 


110     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

the  Basilicas  of  St  Faustus  and  Novae  were  fitted  up 
for  the  care  of  the  sick,  money  was  freely  spent  and  the 
gold  and  silver  vessels  of  the  altar  were  melted  down  to 
prevent  the  breaking  up  of  families  or  other  more 
terrible  effects  of  bondage. 

Deogratias  earned  by  his  devotion  and  self-sacrifice 
both  the  respect  and  hatred  of  his  enemies.  They 
could  not  deny  his  virtues,  but  they  feared  his  example 
would  turn  many  from  Arianism.  They  made  him  the 
mark  of  continual  accusations  and  insults,  but  he  was  too 
popular  to  be  safely  attacked  and  for  three  years  he 
was  able  to  continue  his  good  works  and  ministration. 
In  457  the  saintly  bishop  passed  away,  and  so  great 
was  the  veneration  in  which  he  was  held,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  keep  secret  the  place  of  his  burial,  in  order 
to  preserve  his  body  from  the  too  zealous  hands  of 
those  who  sought  for  relics  of  their  beloved  pastor  \ 

Gaiseric  refused  to  allow  the  consecration  of  a  suc- 
cessor to  Deogratias,  and  perhaps  alarmed  by  his 
popularity  and  the  devotion  his  holy  life  had  aroused, 
once  more  revived  the  persecution.  He  renewed  the 
decree  against  the  filling  of  vacant  sees  in  the  Procon- 
sular province  and  visited  the  ordination  of  priests 
with  the  severest  penalties.  If  the  life  of  the  Church 
had  solely  depended  upon  its  overseers,  it  would  have 
been  now  nearly  stamped  out.  Where  once  there  had 
been  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  bishops,  only  three 
were  left ;  Vincent  of  Gigga  and  Paul"^  of  Sinna  still 
occupied  their  dioceses,  but  the  third,   Quintian,  was 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  8. 

-  This  bishop  is  described  by  Victor  (i.  9),   as  "vera  merito  et 
nomine  Paulus." 


THE   RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  Ill 

in  exile  at  Edessa,  a  town  in  Macedonia.  The  tenets 
of  Catholicism,  however,  were  for  too  deeply  rooted 
in  the  hearts  of  the  Africans  to  be  easily  destroyed 
and  the  severity  of  the  Arians  only  evoked  still  further 
proof  of  the  Church's  sincerity.  Many  Catholics  now 
earned  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  and  a  still  larger 
number  suffered  grievously  rather  than  renounce  their 
faith. 

The  story  of  Martinian,  Saturian,  their  two  brothers 
and  Maxima  shews  the  inefficacy  of  the  Vandal  perse- 
cution. These  five  were  the  household  slaves  of  a 
member  of  Gaiseric's  bodyguard,  Martinian  being 
his  armourer  and  Maxima  his  housekeeper.  The  Vandal 
treated  them  kindly,  and,  seeing  that  Maxima  was 
as  beautiful  as  she  was  good,  thought  that  if  he  gave 
her  to  Martinian  as  his  wife  he  would  make  them  both 
contented  in  his  service.  But  Maxima  had  devoted 
herself  to  a  life  of  continence  and  persuaded  her 
husband  to  respect  her  vows.  Moreover  she  induced 
him  to  lead  a  religious  life  and  urged  him  to  win  over 
his  brothers  also.  They  all  now  deserted  their  Vandal 
master  and  betook  themselves  to  Tabraca,  a  village  on 
the  borders  of  Zeugitana  and  Numidia,  where  the  four 
men  entered  a  monastery,  and  Maxima  joined  a  convent 
hard  by.  As  soon  as  their  escape  was  known  a  vigorous 
hue  and  cry  was  raised,  but  it  was  only  after  many  en- 
quiries had  been  made  and  many  bribes  had  been  given 
that  their  retreat  was  disc«n'ered.  They  were  recaptured, 
imprisoned  and  scourged;  but  though  their  faith  was  un- 
shaken, a  curse  seemed  to  fall  on  all  who  oppressed  them. 
An  appeal  was  made  to  Gaiseric  and  he  released  Maxima 
and  dii'ccted  that  the  men  should  be  sent  to  Capsur  the 


112     THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH    AFRICA. 

Moor  in  the  desert  of  Capra  Picta.  Their  exile  affected 
them  as  little  as  their  former  sufferings  and  they  set 
themselves  to  spread  the  Gospel  among  their  captors 
with  extraordinary  success.  A  great  multitude  of  Moors 
were  baptized,  a  bishop  was  summoned  from  the  Roman 
province  and  a  church  was  built.  The  rapid  growth  of 
Christianity  alarmed  the  Moorish  king — he  asked  the 
help  of  Gaiseric.  The  Vandal  monarch  saw  that 
nothing  could  put  a  stop  to  the  zeal  of  the  exiles  but 
death.  His  advice  was  taken  and  they  were  all  com- 
pelled to  lay  down  their  lives  for  their  faiths 

The  story  of  these  martyrs  throws  great  light  upon 
the  condition  of  Africa  at  this  time  ;  it  illustrates  the 
relations  of  conquerors  and  conquered,  and  shews 
how  far  the  persecution  of  the  Arians  had  been  a 
success.  The  treatment  of  the  five  slaves  was  evidently 
far  from  unkind.  Two  of  them  at  any  rate  occupied 
positions  of  great  importance  and  trust,  and  their 
master  realized  their  value  and  did  his  best  to  make 
them  happy.  There  was  none  of  the  barbaric  tyranny 
which  the  conquest  seemed  to  foreshadow,  and  the 
Vandals  once  firmly  settled  in  Africa  seem  to  have 
indulged  in  no  unnecessary  severity.  When  the  slaves 
fled,  they  were  able  to  effect  their  escape,  and  it  was 
only  with  considerable  trouble  that  their  refuge  was 
discovered.  No  doubt  their  hiding-place  was  some- 
what inaccessible ;  but  it  is  very  remarkable  that  in 
this  persecuted  land  any  place  should  be  found  safe 
enough  for  two  religious  communities.  So  far  the 
Arians  had  accomplished  little,  and  even  in  the  Procon- 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  10—11. 


THE    RISE    OK    THE    VANDALS.  W'A 

sular  Province,  the  district  especially  given  up  to  the 
Vandals  and  subject  to  the  greatest  oppression,  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Catholic  Church  was  still  but  little  impaired. 

Gaiseric  recognized  his  failure  and  the  escape  of 
Martinian  and  Maxima  urged  him  to  redouble  his  etforts 
against  Catholicism.  Proculus  was  appointed  to  Zeugi- 
tann,  with  orders  to  use  his  utmost  efforts  to  stamp  out 
the  faith  of  Nicaea.  The  new  attack  was  aimed  rather 
at  the  efficiency  than  the  lives  of  the  clergy,  and  it  was 
hoped  in  this  manner  to  disarm  the  Catholics.)  Their 
churches  were  ravaged,  the  sacred  vessels  were  de- 
stroyed, the  Scriptures  were  seized,  and  the  altar-cloths 
and  vestments  made  into  garments  (camisias  et  femo- 
ralia)  by  the  soldiers.  If  auy  priest  tried  to  protect  his 
church  he  was  imprisoned  and  tortured.  For  refusing  to 
comply  with  the  demands  of  the  spoilers  Bishop  Valerian 
of  Abensa,  though  over  eighty  years  of  age,  was  driven 
away  from  his  see,  and  so  strict  were  the  orders  against 
shewing  him  any  hospitality  that  for  a  long  time  this 
aged  man  had  to  sleep  in  the  open  air.  This  outburst 
as  long  as  it  lasted  was  very  terrible,  but  it  speedily 
came  to  a  close.  Proculus  was  seized  with  a  loathsome 
disease,  and  with  his  death  the  zeal  of  the  persecutor^ 
seems  to  have  waned*. 

Gaiseric's  attempt  to  expel  all  Catholics  fntin  the 
civil  service  may  be  perhaps  jiscribed  to  this  period. 
If  it  was  ever  intended  to  be  more  than  a  declaration  of 
policy,  it  cannot  have  taken  place  early  in  his  reign  ; 
as  until  the  Church  had  been  pei'secuted  for  s«)me  time 
the  ritrid  enforcement  of  the  decree  would  have  meant 

o 

the  disorganization  of  the  whole  administration.     As  it 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  12. 
H.  8 


114     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

was,  the  order,  like  other  measures  of  Arian  intolerance, 
was  not  thoroughly  enforced.  Probably  if  a  Government 
employe  forced  his  views  upon  the  notice  of  his  superiors 
he  suffered  for  his  imprudence ;  but  as  long  as  the 
Catholics  kept  silence  as  to  their  creed,  no  question 
was  asked\ 

Outside  the  Sortes  much  the  same  religious  policy 
was  pursued  as  within  it ;  but  here  the  numbers  of  the 
Arians  were  much  smaller  and  there  was  far  less  risk  in 
clinging  to  Catholicism.  The  Church,  as  long  as  it  was 
unobtrusive,  was  safe ;  as  soon  as  it  made  too  open 
advances,  it  was  persecuted.  At  Tunuzuda,  Gales  and 
Vicus  Ammoniac,  Arian  mobs  attacked  the  orthodox  as 
they  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  mingled  the 
blood  of  martyrs  with  the  consecrated  elements.  At 
Regia,  in  Numidia,  the  Catholics  reopened  their  church 
one  Easter-Day,  but  in  the  midst  of  their  worship  the 
7  Arians,  led  by  Anderit,  a  priest,  burst  in,  slew  the  lector 
as  he  sang  the  Alleluia  (alleluiaticum  melos)  in  the 
pulpit,  massacred  a  large  number  of  the  congregation 
where  they  were,  and  afterwards  led  out  many  others  to 
tortured  Such  atrocities  as  these  no  doubt  occurred 
from  time  to  time,  but  it  would  be  wrong  to  see  in  them 
any  settled  policy;  they  were  rather  the  spasmodic  and 
spontaneous  outbursts  of  religious  fanaticism  and  racial 
hate,  and  were  quite  ineffectual  in  hindering  the  spread 
of  the  Catholic  faith. 

In  fact  the  names  of  very  few  martyrs  have  been 

recorded  at  all,  and  it  is  very  noticeable  that  all  those 

persecuted  by  Gaiseric  himself  were  men  of  prominent 

position.     He  seems  to  have  passed  over  in  contempt 

1  Victor  Vit.,  I.  14.  -  Ibid.,  i.  13. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE    VANDALS.  115 

the  Catholics  of  minor  rank,  and  noticed  only  those 
whose  stedfastness  was  an  encouragement  and  whose 
sufferings  would  be  a  warning  to  their  fellow-believers. 
As  early  as  437,  four  Spaniards,  Arcadius,  Probus, 
Paschasius  and  Eutychius,  had  suffered  for  their  faith*. 
They  were  distinguished  amongst  the  servants  of  the 
king  for  their  wisdom  and  fidelity  and  every  effort  was 
made  to  turn  them  to  Arianism.  However  they  stood 
firm ;  and  first  proscribed,  then  exiled  and  tortured, 
they  at  length  won  their  martyrs'  crowns.  Piischillus, 
the  young  brother  of  Paschasius  and  Eutychius,  followed 
their  example  and  bore  scourgings  and  slavery  rather 
than  change  his  faith. 

In  the  case  of  Sebastian,  Gaiseric  used  religious 
differences  as  a  mere  pretext  to  get  rid  of  a  dangerous 
guest.  In  440,  the  son-in-law  of  Boniface  took  refuge 
in  Africa  during  the  absence  of  its  conqueror  in  Sicily. 
(Jaiseric  felt  the  danger  of  allowing  so  distinguished  a 
soldier  and  statesman  to  be  at  Carthage,  and  feared 
that  he  would  head  the  discontented  Vandals  and  seize 
the  kingdom  for  himself,  or  would  try  to  recover  Africi\ 
in  order  to  make  his  peace  with  Valentiuian  TTI.  The 
Sicilian  expedition  was  therefore  abandoned,  and  re- 
turning cpiickly  home  Gaiseric  got  rid  of  his  unwelcome 
guest  on  the  plea  of  his  Catholicism*. 

The  three  other  sufferers,  whose  names  are  recorded, 
were  all  well-known  men,  and  one  at  least  had  incurred 
the  wrath  of  the  king  by  his  missionary  zeal.  Armo- 
gasta  was  in  the  service  of  the  king's  son  Theoderic, 

1  Prosper,  s.a.  Ul  ;  Prosper  Tyro,  s.a.  437. 

-  Prosper   Tyro,   s.a.    410;    Victor  Vit.,   i.   6;  Bury's  Fragm^nU, 
vol.  IV.,  p.  612  ;  Suidas,  p.  194. 

8—2 


116     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

Mascula  was  the  Arch-mime  at  Carthage  ;  Saturus  was 
the  procurator  of  the  household  of  Hunueric  and  a 
very  rich  man.  To  have  such  distinguished  men 
professing  the  Catholic  creed  bespoke  the  weakness 
of  the  State  religion  ;  but  it  was  most  important  that 
their  punishment  should  not  rouse  the  zeal  of  their 
fellow-believers.  Theoderic,  after  putting  Armogasta 
to  the  torture,  wished  to  behead  him,  but  was  stayed 
by  Jucundus,  an  Arian  priest,  who  maintained  that 
if  a  Catholic  was  deliberately  slain,  the  enthusiasm 
aroused  by  his  constancy  would  more  than  counter- 
balance the  fear  caused  by  his  death ;  if  on  the  other 
hand  he  was  ill-treated  and  killed  by  inches,  it  would 
be  far  more  difficult  for  the  Church  to  bestow  on  him 
the  veneration  of  a  martyr.  This  diabolical  advice  was 
followed;  Armogasta  was  put  to  the  roughest  field 
labour  and  slowly  done  to  deaths 

The  same  policy  was  adopted  in  the  case  of  Mascula. 
As  he  would  not  be  bribed  to  embrace  Arianism  he  was 
condemned  to  death,  but  peculiar  instructions  were 
given  to  the  executioners.  If  the  prisoner  shewed 
the  least  signs  of  fear  at  the  sight  of  the  uplifted  sword 
he  was  to  be  slain  at  once ;  a  troublesome  subject 
would  be  punished  and  the  Catholics  could  not  claim  a 
martyr.  But  if  he  stood  firm  he  was  to  be  spared;  for 
to  add  a  witness  to  the  truth  of  Catholicism  would  only 
hurt  the  Arian  cause.  Even  when  face  to  face  with 
death  Mascula  refused  to  quail  and  was  only  able  to 
earu  the  confessor's  crown-. 

Saturus  brought  upon  himself  the  wrath  of  the 
Vandals  by  preaching  against  their  heresies.  He  was 
1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  14.  2  j^/^.^  i.  15. 


THE    RISE   OF   THE   VANDALS.  117 

oftered  great  riches,  if  he  would  keep  silence,  but 
was  threatened  with  the  loss  of  all  his  f(jrtune  and 
separation  from  his  children,  and,  worse  than  all,  was 
told  that  his  wife  would  be  forced  into  a  loathsome 
union  with  a  camel-driver,  if  he  persisted.  But  nothing 
could  turn  him  from  his  course ;  despite  the  tears  and 
pathetic  entreaties  of  his  family,  Saturus  chose  poverty 
and  bereavement  rather  than  defile  his  baptismal  robe 
by  becoming  a  convert  to  Arianism^ 

The  proscription  of  the  Catholics  seemed  likely  to 
last  until  the  end  of  Gaiseric's  reign,  but  a  change  in 
the  political  situation  afforded  them  relii'f.  The  year 
before  he  died  the  Vandal  conqueror  arranged  a  peace 
with  the  emperor  Zeno,  by  which  he  bound  himself 
to  grant  religious  toleration  to  his  subjects.  The 
Catholics  weie  therefore  allowed  to  reopen  their 
(churches,  and  the  bishops  and  clergy  were  recalled  from 
exile^  Gaiseric  did  not  long  survive  this  concession ; 
in  477  he  died,  after  a  reign  of  37  years,  3  mouths  and 
(3  days,  and  was  succeeded  by  Hunneric  his  sou\ 

During  all  these  years  the  Catholic  Church  had 
been  liable  to  persecution,  and  if  the  contt'mptuous 
inditierence  of  the  Vandals  left  it  occasionally  unmo- 
lested, the  least  exhibition  of  its  power,  the  slightest 
imprudence  of  its  priests,  or  the  mere  caprice  of  its 
enemies  were  enough  at  any  time  to  subject  it  to  the 
direst  perils.  It  had  lost  its  officers,  its  buildings  and 
its  wealth.  It  had  seen  some  of  its  members  fall  away 
and  others  seal  their  faith  with  their  blood;  but  it  had 

'  Victor  Vit.,  i.  Hi. 

'  Ibid.,  I.  17  :  Cassiodorus  Chron.,  s.a.  last  year  of  Zeno. 

3  Prosper  Tyro,  vii.,  Theodusio  et  Fexto,  Coss. 


118     THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

not  lost  ground.  Indeed  it  even  grew  in  real  power 
and  authority.  The  Gospel  had  been  spread  among 
the  Moors;  some  of  the  Arians  had  been  converted,  and 
the  persecution  itself  was  the  best  proof  of  the  genuine 
dread  felt  by  the  Vandals,  even  in  their  day  of  triumph, 
of  its  influence  and  strength. 

Gaiseric  had  tried  to  drive  all  Catholics  from  the 
civil  service;  but  he  failed.  Armogasta,  in  the  hour 
of  his  death,  could  appeal  to  Felix,  procurator  of  the 
house  of  the  king's  son,  as  a  fellow-Catholic i;  and  in 
the  next  reign  the  edict  against  the  employment  of 
Catholics  by  the  State  had  to  be  renewed.  The  in- 
scriptions that  have  survived  the  wear  and  tear  of 
fourteen  centuries  shew  that  even  in  this  reign  the 
Church  enjoyed  some  peace.  The  epitaphs  erected  to 
the  priest  Boniface  at  Tiaret  in  Mauritania  Caesariensis 
in  461  and  to  Januarus  in  449=  are  evidence  that  the 
Catholics  were  able  to  pay  the  last  rites  to  their  de- 
parted brethren.  In  the  more  inaccessible  parts  of 
Africa  Catholic  monasteries  still  existed  in  security. 

In  fact  the  Arians  had  failed,  and  they  knew  it. 
They  could  not  do  without  the  Catholics,  and  they  dared 
not  rouse  their  zeal.  The  utmost  they  could  do  was  to 
drive  the  Church  into  hiding  and  to  prevent  it  from 
making  open  profession  of  its  creed.  Gaiseric  himself 
was  half-hearted  in  religious  questions  and  did  not 
scruple  to  alter  his  attitude  toward  the  Catholics  if 
policy  required  him  to  do  so.  As  long  as  the  Arians 
feared  to  risk  a  final  conflict,  as  long  as  the  Catholics 
were  true  to  themselves,  the  Church  of  Carthage  could 
suffer  no  irreparable  loss. 

1  Victor  Vit.,  i.  14.  2  c.  I.  L,,  vol.  viii.  9731,  9271. 


CHAPTER    V. 
The  Reign  of  Hunneric. 

With  the  accession  of  Hunneric  the  decay  of  the 
Vandals  began.  When  they  crossed  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar  they  were  inured  to  fatigue  and  war  and  were 
a  terrible  fighting  machine,  but  for  fifty  years  they  had 
lived  in  the  hot  climate  of  Africa  and  had  enjoyed  the 
fruits  of  others'  toil  and  were  already  losing  their  former 
energy.  No  longer  did  they  ravage  the  shores  of  the 
MediteiTanean,  being  hardly  able  to  maintain  their  hold 
on  the  lands  their  fathers  had  won.  Consequently  thLs 
reign  presents  few  prominent  features,  and  the  relations 
of  Hunneric  with  other  nations  can  be  very  brieHy 
described  by  saying  that  with  the  Eiistern  Empire  he 
was  at  peace,  and  Odoacer,  king  of  Italy,  agreed  to  pay 
him  tribute  for  Sicily. 

His  position  was  indeed  not  such  as  to  invite  an 
active  foreign  policy.  He  was  secure  from  attiicks 
from  abroad  and  was  continually  exposed  to  them  at 
home.  For  now  that  Gaiseric  was  dead,  the  Mooi-s  of 
the  border  again  resumed  their  raids  on  the  Province. 
Hunneric,  it  may  be,  cared  little  about  the  miseries  of 
his  non- Vandal  subjects,  but  at  any  rate  the  folly  uf 


120     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

Gaiseric  in  denuding  the  frontier  towns  of  their  de- 
fences now  became  manifest  owing  to  conquests  of  the 
utmost  importance  being  made  by  the  barbarians  in 
this  reign.  They  overran  Numidia  and  made  it  practi- 
cally their  own,  carrying  their  raids  into  the  very 
heart  of  the  Province.  But  far  more  important  than 
any  number  of  plundering  expeditions  was  the  capture 
of  Mount  Aurasius.  This  rocky  tableland  raises  its 
precipitous  sides  on  the  southern  borders  of  Numidia 
and  is  one  of  the  chief  strategic  positions  in  all 
Africa.  It  is  ouly  thirteen  days'  march  from  Car- 
thage, and  includes  within  its  limits  a  large  tract  of 
fruitful  and  well-watered  land.  An  enemy  established 
there  could  form  his  head-quarters  on  the  summit 
in  almost  perfect  security,  and  descend  at  will  to 
ravage  the  plains  in  every  direction.  Once  fortified  it 
was  extremely  hard  to  take,  and  the  steep  approaches 
were  the  despair  of  an  attacking  force.  It  remained 
impregnable  to  the  Vandals,  and  even  the  soldiers  of 
Belisarius  under  the  brave  and  skilful  Solomon  had 
the  utmost  difficulty  in  recapturing  it\  From  this 
time  for  over  fifty  years  the  Moors  from  this  strong 
position  were  able  almost  entirely  to  cut  off  Numidia 
and  Mauritania  from  the  other  parts  of  Africa^ 

The  Catholics  under  Hunneric  underwent  strange 
vicissitudes.  At  first  they  were  barely  tolerated  ;  then 
for  a  few  years  they  enjoyed  practical  freedom  of  wor- 
ship ;  finally  they  had  to  face  a  persecution  terrible 
alike  for  its  relentless  vigour  and  its  systematic  organi- 
zation. Such  extraordinary  changes  as  these  would 
have  been   impossible  if  the  king  had   had  any  real 

1  Procop.  De  Bell.  Vand.,  ii.  19.  -  Ibid.,  i.  7. 


THE    REION    OF    HUNNERIC.  121 

religious  convictions ;  but  having  none,  he  appears  to 
have  considered  that  to  the  adroit  statesman  all  sects 
and  all  theological  disputes  were  equally  useful.  He 
attempted  to  employ  the  religious  quarrels  of  his 
subjects  for  his  own  advantage,  and  tried  alternately 
toleration  and  persecution  to  bend  the  Catholics  to  his 
own  political  ends.  Of  course  he  was  nominally  an 
Arian,  and  was  quite  prepared  to  insist  upon  the 
supremacy  of  his  theological  views  when  it  suited  his 
turn,  but  he  did  not  see  in  the  prevalence  of  Catholicism 
any  reason  for  oppressing  the  greater  part  of  his  subjects, 
and  was  quite  willing  to  grant  them  toleration  as  the 
price  of  domestic  peace. 

The  Catholics,  on  their  side,  had  to  keep  to  the 
tacit  agreement  under  which  they  enjoyed  toleration  by 
remembering  that  as  a  conquered  race  they  were  bound 
to  defer  to  their  master's  wishes.  If  they  made  no 
attempts  to  convert  the  Vandals  and  were  prepari'd  to 
blindly  support  the  royal  policy  they  might  hope  for 
permission  to  practise  their  religion.  But  as  the  con- 
sciences of  the  Catholics  would  not  suffer  thtni  to 
observe  the  first  condition,  their  attemjUs  to  propagate 
their  opinions  drew  down  upon  them  the  royal  displeasure. 
The  whole  machinery  of  the  State  and  the  bitter  fanati- 
cism of  the  Arians  were  turned  against  them,  and  so 
grinding  and  relentless  were  the  trials  of  the  Church 
that  it  may  well  be  supposed  that  only  the  death  of  the 
king  saved  Catholicism  in  Africa  from  total  extinction. 

The  last  year  of  Gaiseric  had  seen  some  sort  of 
toleration  granted  to  the  Church  in  Carthage,  and  the 
new  king  left  things  as  they  were,  for  a  time  neither 
extending  nor  curtailing  the  privileges  of  the  Catholics. 


122     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

In  this  Victor  sees  the  "craft  of  barbarians,"  and  declares 
that  Hunneric  wished  to  entice  the  orthodox  into  indis- 
cretions for  which  they  might  have  to  atone  with 
heavy  penalties \  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
Vandal  monarch  was  quite  capable  of  such  a  policy, 
but  a  simpler  and  far  less  discreditable  explanation 
of  his  actions  is  perfectly  possible. 

To  a  small  military  aristocracy  like  the  Vandals 
the  existence  of  the  indigenous  population  was  indis- 
pensable, nor  was  Hunneric  likely  to  estrange  the  great 
majority  of  his  subjects  by  deliberately  insulting  their 
religious  convictions  without  sufficiently  urgent  provo- 
cation. 

While  the  Catholics  were  unmolested,  Hunneric 
devoted  his  energies  to  the  suppression  of  heresy. 
Manichaeism  had  always  found  many  supporters  in 
Africa,  and,  despite  the  efforts  of  St  Augustine,  was 
now  more  firmly  seated  at  Carthage  than  in  any  other 
part  of  the  world.  If  we  are  to  believe  the  Catholic 
historian  this  fatal  heresy  attracted  chiefly  those  whose 
creed  gave  them  a  less  firm  grip  of  Christian  principles 
than  that  of  Nicaea,  nor  were  the  Arian  clergy  un- 
affected by  its  baneful  doctrines.  The  king,  regarding 
the  spread  of  Manichaean  teaching  as  a  social  danger, 
attacked  the  whole  sect,  without  respect  to  nationality 
or  religion.  A  few  Manichaeans  were  burnt  and  many 
were  exiled,  and  so  severe  were  Hunneric's  measures 
against  this  dreaded  sect  that  in  Africa  we  hear  no 
more  of  its  influence,  though  it  had  yet  many  centuries 
of  vitality  in  other  parts  of  Christendom  I 

1  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  1. 

•^  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  1;  Neander,  vol.  iv.  p.  447. 


THE    KEIGX    OF    HUNNEKIC.  123 

In  479,  when  Hunneric  had  been  two  years  on  the 
throne,  the  Catholics  received  still  further  privileges 
and  experienced  once  more  a  brief  period  of  sunshine. 
Placidia,  the  widow  of  Olybrius,  one  of  the  short- 
lived emperors  of  the  West,  the  sister-in-law  of  the  king, 
united  with  the  emperor  Zeno  in  beseeching  leave  for 
the  Church  of  Carthage  to  elect  a  bishop  of  their  own. 
The  required  permission  was  given,  on  condition  that 
Zeno  should  extend  a  similar  toleration  to  the  Arians 
in  his  dominions;  but  if  the  emperor  broke  this  bargain, 
all  the  orthodox  bishops  of  Africa  were  liable  to  be  driven 
into  exile  among  the  Moors.  But  although  Zeno  accepted 
the  proffered  terms  it  was  a  far  harder  matter  to  induce 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities  of  the  Church  of  Carthage 
to  do  the  same.  For  since,  as  they  plausibly  argued,  any 
violation  of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  the  emperor  was 
liable  to  draw  down  upon  their  innocent  heads  an 
unmerited  punishment,  it  was  better  to  be  content 
with  Christ  as  their  only  Head,  than  to  exchange 
their  peaceful  obscurity  for  a  dangerous  privilege. 
However  their  fears  were  overruled.  The  Imperial 
legate  Alexander  attended  their  consultations  and 
would  receive  no  answer  but  an  acceptance  of  the 
terms;  and  as  the  Catholic  laity  were  clamouring  for  a 
visible  head  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  the  African 
character  and  were  in  no  tonipi-r  to  brook  a  rtfus;il, 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities  had  no  alternative  but  to 
yield,  and  on  June  18,  479,  elected  Eugenius  to  the 
long  vacant  see'. 

It  was  twenty-three  years  since  the  hvst  Bishoj)  of 
Carthage  had  died  and  during  that  time  the  Church 
»  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  1—3. 


124     THE    CHKISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

had  been  without  a  head.  Many  young  men  testified 
that  they  had  never  known  what  it  was  to  have  a 
bishop  over  them,  and  welcomed  the  consecration  of 
Eugenius  with  the  utmost  joy  and  thankfulness.  He 
was  well  worthy  of  their  respect  and  love,  and  set 
himself  at  once  to  give  a  noble  example  of  good  works. 
The  organization  of  the  Church  was  restored  by  him ; 
vacant  sees  and  livings  were  refilled,  and  the  com- 
munities of  women  consecrated  to  a  life  of  charity  were 
once  more  established.  All  that  he  had  Eugenius 
gave  to  the  poor,  only  keeping  for  himself  the  bare 
necessaries  of  life,  and  by  his  self-sacrifice  he  aroused  the 
enthusiasm  of  his  flock.  Large  sums  of  money  were 
given  him  to  distribute,  and  it  was  a  wonder  how  a 
Church,  so  often  plundered  and  so  terribly  oppressed, 
could  afford  such  vast  amounts  for  charitable  purposes. 
Still  no  fear  of  poverty  disturbed  the  bishop,  and  with 
a  noble  faith  that  the  supply  would  not  cease,  he  gave 
away  daily  all  the  money  as  soon  as  it  was  given  to 
him\ 

In  spite  of  his  holy  life  he  could  not  escape  the 
malignity  and  false  accusations  of  the  Arian  clergy. 
At  first  Cyrila,  their  patriarch,  tried  to  arouse  the 
anger  of  Hunneric  by  declaring  that  Eugenius  was  not 
worthy  of  his  position  and  refused  to  preach  the  Word 
of  God  to  his  people.  Such  a  statement  as  this  was 
palpably  false,  and  the .  Arians  prepared  a  much  more 
subtle  attack  by  affirming  that  admission  to  the 
Catholic  churches  was  refused  to  all  in  Vandal  costume. 
If  Eugenius  admitted  this,  it  would  be  easy  to  infer 
that    the    Church    was    organizing    at    its    services    a 

^  Victor  Vit.,  i.  3. 


THE    REIGN    OF    HUNNKRIC.  12') 

rebellion  against  its  persecutors  ;  if  he  denied  it,  it  was 
clear  that  the  Vandals  were  dangerously  attracted  by 
the  orthodox  creed.  However  but  one  reply  could  be 
truthfully  given, — no  man  was  excluded  from  the 
Catholic  services,  however  he  was  dressed.  It  could 
not  be  otherwise;  the  House  of  God  was  open  to  all, 
and,  as  many  of  the  orthodox  wore  the  V^andal  costume 
as  household  servants  of  the  king,  to  shut  out  all  those 
who  ap})eared  to  be  Vandals  would  cause  the  exclusion 
of  many  of  the  faithful. 

But  by  one  accusation  or  another  the  Arian  clergy 
had  achieved  their  object  and  had  aroused  the  fears  of 
the  king.  He  determined  to  stamp  out  Catholicism 
at  any  rate  amongst  his  personal  entourage,  and  issued 
peculiarly  cruel  orders.  Soldiers  were  stationed  at  the 
Catholic  churches  armed  with  combs  with  long,  sharp 
teeth.  When  any  man  in  Vandal  dress  tried  to  enter, 
they  were  to  cast  these  terrible  instruments  into  their 
hair  and  drag  them  from  the  doors.  This  brutal  order 
was  brutally  carried  out.  Such  violence  was  used  that 
the  scalps  of  some  were  torn  away :  some  lost  their 
eyesight,  others  died  of  pain,  and  the  women  were 
dragged  in  derision  through  the  streets.  In  spite  of 
all,  not  one  Catholic  changed  his  faith,  and  Hunneric 
had  to  alter  his  policy  and  try  leas  violent  but  more 
effectual  remedies.  He  deprived  the  officials  who 
refused  to  conform  to  Arianism  of  their  pay  and 
allowance  and  condemned  some  of  them  to  the  roughest 
field  labour  in  the  })lains  of  Utica  \ 

The   persecution   soon   became   general ;    but    the 
anger  of   Hunneric  was  excited  against  the   Church, 
1  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  3,  4. 


126     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

less  by  its  success  than  by  the  political  situation  of 
the  time.  The  king  found  himself  growing  old.  He 
must  have  been  nearly  a  man  when  Valentinian  re- 
ceived him  as  a  hostage  in  435,  and  he  cannot  now 
have  been  less  than  sixty.  By  the  rules  for  the  suc- 
cession devised  by  Gaiseric  the  kingdom  was  always  to 
belong  to  the  eldest  male  of  the  royal  stock,  and  would 
pass  to  Theoderic  and  the  children  of  Genzo  before 
Hunneric's  own  son  could  succeed.  The  king  therefore 
planned  to  remove  those  who  stood  between  Hilderic 
and  the  throne.  To  do  so  meant  wholesale  murder, 
but  from  this  he  did  not  shrink.  Theoderic,  his  wife 
and  children,  and  Godagis,  son  of  Genzo,  were  either 
banished  or  slain ;  Jucundus,  the  Arian  priest,  and 
many  of  the  Vandal  nobility  suffered  death  or  condem- 
nation to  slavery.  Such  cruelties  as  these  needed 
a  strong  king,  and  to  whom  was  Huuneric  to  look  for 
support  ?  The  Vandal  nobility  which  formed  the  back- 
bone of  the  Arian  party  were  already  estranged  by  the 
cruelty  with  which  Hunneric  had  treated  the  royal 
house.  On  the  other  hand,  the  oppressed  Catholics 
had  experienced  comparative  kindness,  and  as  a  subject 
people  they  had  little  reason  to  care  if  their  conquerors 
exterminated  each  other.  To  the  Catholics  therefore 
Hunneric  appealed  and  offered  complete  freedom  of 
worship  in  return  for  their  support. 

As  however  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  buy 
toleration  at  the  price  of  murder  and  robbery,  their 
refusal  exasperated  the  king.  He  saw  his  plans 
checkmated  and  his  own  people  alienated  without 
advantage  to  himself.  The  despised  race,  whom  he 
had  meant  to  help,  scorned  his  favours,  thwarted  his 


THE    REIGN    OF    HUNNERIC.  127 

hopes  and  left  him  without  support  in  his  perilous 
position.  Policy  and  revenge  urged  him  in  the  same 
direction ;  by  persecuting  the  Cath(jlics  he  would  at 
once  convince  the  Catholics  of  the  folly  of  spurning 
his  offers  and  regain  the  loyalty  of  the  Arians*. 

Still  Hunneric's  ambition  had  led  him  into  an 
awkward  situation  and  there  was  a  danger  of  driving  the 
provincials  to  despair  before  the  confidence  of  the  Vandals 
had  been  restored.  For  a  time  he  had  need  of  great 
caution  and  decided  to  adopt  the  old  policy  of  Gaiseric 
rather  than  rush  at  once  into  wholesale  massacres  and 
deportations.  With  this  purpose  it  wa.s  again  decreed 
that  all  Catholics  in  the  army,  civil  service  and  royal 
household  must  become  Arians  or  take  the  consequences 
of  contumacy.  Those  who  refused  were  exiled,  and 
many  were  driven  to  Sicily  and  Sardinia,  or  were  forced 
to  live  as  hermits  in  the  Numidian  deserts  near  Sicca, 
Veneria,  and  Lares.  For  a  short  time  the  organization 
of  the  Catholics  was  not  directly  attacked  and  the  king 
was  satisfied  with  trying  to  cripple  and  impoverish  it. 
As  long  as  a  bishop  lived,  he  was  left  in  peace ;  but 
when  a  see  fell  vacant,  the  treasury  seized  its  estates 
and  exacted  a  fine  of  500  solidi  before  a  new  prelate 
could  be  consecrated. 

Comparatively  mild  as  this  persecution  was,  it 
alarmed  the  royal  advisers,  and  they  pointed  out  how 
greatly  it  endangered  the  position  of  the  Arian  clerg)' 
in  Thrace  and  the  rest  of  the  Imperial  dominions.  But 
they  could  not  turn  Hunneric  from  his  course,  and  he 
sought  in  every  direction  an  excuse  for  an  avowed 
persecution  throughout  the  Province.  The  communities 
1  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  5. 


128     THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH    AFRICA. 

of  women  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  Church  attracted 
his  attention  and  he  determined  to  cast  suspicion  upon 
them.  The  Vandals  seem  to  have  paid  no  reverence 
to  the  ascetic  virtues,  and  eagerly  sought  for  proofs  that 
the  nuns  had  proved  faithless  to  their  vows  of  chastity, 
and  that  their  priests  had  been  guilty  of  incontinence. 
The  consecrated  virgins  were  seized  and  subjected 
to  an  examination  of  the  grossest  and  most  painful 
character.  Some  died  of  shame  and  torture,  others 
were  crippled  for  life ;  but  this  atrocity  revealed  no 
scandals,  and  the  morality  of  the  clergy  was  triumphantly 
vindicated  against  all  defamers\ 

Hunneric,  undaunted  by  his  failure,  was  still  de- 
termined upon  persecution,  and  decided  to  try  to  root 
out  the  Catholics  altogether  by  one  drastic  measure. 
Still  following  his  father's  tactics,  he  devoted  all  his 
energies  to  exterminating  the  clergy,  trusting  that 
the  laity  would  be  compliant  when  deprived  of  their 
spiritual  advisers.  On  one  day  nearly  five  thousand 
ecclesiastics-  of  all  ranks  were  torn  from  their  homes 
and  in  one  mournful  procession  were  driven  into 
exile  and  misery.  The  weight  of  years  or  of  sickness 
gave  no  protection ;  all  alike  were  forced  to  face  the 
terrors  of  the  desert  and  the  barbarities  of  the  Moors. 
Some  could  hardly  walk  through  infirmity,  others  were 
blind  through  old  age.  Felix,  the  venerable  Bishop  of 
Abbir  Major,  stricken  with  paralysis  and  no  longer  able 
to  speak  or  feel,  was  bound  like  a  log  of  wood  upon  a 
mule  and  carried  far  away  from  his  home  and  friends. 

1  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  7. 

2  The  exact  number  given  by  Victor  (ii.  8)  varies  according  to 
the  reading  from  4776  to  4976. 


TIfE   REIGN   OF   HUXXERIC.  129 

The  long  inarch  from  Zeugitana  through  Sicai  and 
Lares  to  the  desert  caused  the  most  terrible  privations. 
Worn  out  by  the  rough  road  and  exhausted  by  the 
burning  sun,  the  miserable  travellers  found  little  rest 
even  by  night ;  for,  forced  into  narrow  prisons  of  in- 
describable filth,  they  were  packed  like  "  locusts  or 
grains  of  corn,"  and  found  sleep  an  impossibility.  Many 
fainted  by  the  way  or  were  too  weak  to  go  on ;  but 
their  Moorish  guards  tied  their  feet  together  and 
dragged  them  along  like  the  carcases  of  dead  animals 
over  the  rough  mountain  roads.  The  ten-ible  injuries 
inflicted  by  the  "  sharp  swords  of  the  rocks  "  put  an 
end  to  all  their  sutierings. 

Even  in  their  direst  need  this  noble  band  of  martyre 
were  not  without  comfort.     The  Catholics  along  their 
route  came  out  to  give  what  help  they  could,  and  the 
knowledge  that  it  was  their  faith  for  which  they  bled 
supported  the  minds  of  all.    A  few,  it  is  true,  fell  away, 
but  most,  cheered  by  their  fellow-sufferer,  Cyprian,  tht* 
saintly  Bishop  of  Unuzibira,  endured  to  the  end.     The 
survivors  at  length  reached   the   deserts,  only  to  face 
new  hardships.     At  first  their  persecutors  had  allowed 
them  a  miserable  ration  of  barley,  the  fo(xl  of  brute 
beasts ;  but  even  this  was  soon  taken  from  them.     Yet 
in  spite  of  the  peril  of  starvation  and  in  spite  of  the 
scorpions  and  poisonous  insects,  with  which  the  land  of 
their  exile  abounded,  the  Hand  of  God  sheltered  them 
still  and  they  were  preserved  from  every  danger^    The 
ultimate   fate  of  these   confessors   is  not  known,  and 
there  are  no  records  to  tell  whether  they  gradually 
found  their  way  back  to  their  homes  or  continued  to 
*  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  8—12;  Victor  of  Tunuo,  s.  a.  475. 

H.  9 


130     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

drag  on  a  miserable  existence  amongst  the  barbarians 
of  the  mountains. 

Hunneric  was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  simple 
crippling  of  the  Church's  activity,  and  set  himself  to 
organize  a  systematic  persecution  throughout  Africa. 
He  went  far  beyond  Gaiseric's  methods  and  determined 
to  turn  the  whole  machinery  of  the  State  against  the 
Catholics.  But  to  be  successful  in  so  thorough  a 
scheme  it  was  necessary  to  win  the  sympathy  of  all 
his  officials  and  to  make  sure  that  none  of  them  would 
favour  the  oppressed  Church.  He  was,  moreover,  as 
yet  unwilling  to  throw  over  his  friendship  with  Zeno 
and  he  therefore  made  a  great  show  of  enquiring  into 
the  theological  disputes  of  the  Catholics  and  Arians. 
On  May  20,  483,  in  the  presence  of  Reginus,  the 
Imperial  ambassador,  a  letter  was  drawn  up  and  de- 
spatched by  fleet  horses  to  Eugenius  and  his  fellow 
bishops.  In  this  it  was  stated  that,  contrary  to  edicts, 
often  reissued,  the  Catholics  had  held  meetings  and 
celebrated  the  Eucharist  in  the  Sortes  Vandalorum. 
As  therefore  Hunneric  washed  the  provinces  committed 
by  God  to  his  care  to  be  free  from  any  causes  of  offence, 
he  summoned  all  the  Catholic  bishops  to  a  conference 
with  the  Arian  prelates  on  the  subject  of  the  Homo- 
ousion  of  the  Son  with  the  Father,  promising  them 
a  safe  conduct  and  considerate  treatment  \ 

This  letter  spread  the  utmost  consternation  amongst 
the  Catholics,  and  they  at  once  foresaw  that  the  con- 
ference was  only  the  prelude  of  a  terrible  persecution. 
Eugenius  feared  that  freedom  of  speech  would  not  be 
allowed,  and  was  convinced  that  the  only  hope  of  fair 

1  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  13. 


THE    REIGN   OF   HUNNERIC.  131 

treatment  lay  in  the  presence  of  foreigners,  who  could 
report  throughout  the  civilized  world  the  sufferings 
they  were  soon  to  endure.  He  begged  Obadus,  the  chief 
minister  of  Hunneric,  to  allow  representatives  to  attend 
from  the  other  Christian  countries,  and  especially  from 
Rome,  "which  is  the  head  of  all  Churches,"  in  order 
that  a  matter,  which  concerned  all  Christendom,  should 
be  discussed  by  the  delegates  of  all  Christendom.  His 
request  was  refused,  and  with  fear  and  trembling  the 
Catholic  bishops  prepared  to  assemble  at  Carthage  \ 

In  the  meantime  the  action  of  the  king  did  not 
tend  to  allay  their  apprehensions.  The  persecutions 
continued,  and  were  aimed  especially  at  those  who 
were  the  chief  pillars  of  the  Church.  Secundianus, 
bishop  of  Mimiana,  was  beaten  with  150  stripes  and 
driven  from  the  country.  Praesidius,  bishop  of  Su- 
fetula,  was  exiled.  Mansuetus,  German  us,  Fusculus 
and  many  others  were  scourged.  The  Arians  were  for- 
bidden to  meet  the  Catholics  in  social  intercourse,  and 
just  before  the  conference  met,  Laetus,  bishop  of  Nepte, 
who  had  been  in  prison  for  some  time,  was  burned  to 
death.  But,  whatever  were  their  forebodings,  the 
Catholics  were  bound  to  obey  the  royal  commands,  and 
on  the  appointed  day  four  hundred  and  sixty-one 
orthodox  bishops  from  every  part  of  Africa  and  even 
from  the  islands  subject  to  the  Vandals  met  together 
in  Carthage-. 

The  conference  was  postponed  a  few  days  to  give  the 

Catholics  every  convenience  for  assembling,  but  when  it 

met  the  surroundings  were  not  such  as  to  restore  their 

confidence.     They  found  Cyrila,  their  chief  enemy,  with 

1  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  U,  15.  ^  j^j-^^^  „.  IG— 18. 

9—2 


182    THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN   NORTH    AFRICA. 

his  followers  gathered  round  him,  seated  upon  a  lofty 
throne,  while  they  were  expected  to  humbly  stand  at 
its  base.  This  augured  no  good,  and  their  position 
seemed  that  of  suppliants,  not  of  parties  to  a  free 
debate.  Still  they  decided  to  make  the  best  of  matters 
and  agreed  to  choose  ten  spokesmen  from  their  ranks, 
lest  it  should  be  said  that  they  tried  to  win  by  sheer 
weight  of  numbers  ^ 

An  impartial  judge  was  evidently  the  first  thing  to 
secure  and  the  Catholics  at  once  raised  the  point.  They 
were  always  glad,  they  said,  to  meet  their  opponents  in 
fair  fight,  but  who  was  to  be  the  assessor  of  this  dis- 
cussion ?  The  royal  secretary  replied,  "  The  Patriarch 
Cyrila,"  and  the  impossibility  of  an  impartial  con- 
ference was  at  once  revealed.  Such  an  appointment 
was  palpably  unfair ;  it  implied  the  entrusting  of  the 
final  award  to  one  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  and  it 
was  absurd  to  say  that  the  Arian  patriarch  would  give 
the  victory  to  anyone  but  his  own  followers.  It  was 
natural  enough  that  the  Catholics  should  object  most 
strongly  to  such  an  arrangement,  but  it  cannot  be  said 
they  acted  wisely  in  this  crisis.  They  ought  to  have 
entered  a  dignified  protest  and  demanded  another 
judge,  or  they  might  have  withdrawn  from  the  con- 
ference altogether.  Instead  of  this  they  obscured  the 
main  point  at  issue,  raised  the  whole  controversy  at 
once  and  roused  all  the  passions  of  the  audience,  by 
enquiring  with  what  authority  Cyrila  claimed  the  title 
of  "  Patriarch."  At  once  a  tumult  arose  and  all  argu- 
ment was  impossible.  Victor  declares  that  the  Arians 
themselves  were  responsible  for  the  confusion,  Cyrila 

1  For  this  conference  see  Victor  Vit.,  ii.  15  ;  iv.  2 ;  Hefele,  iv.  35. 


THE   REIGN   OF   HUNNERIC.  133 

blamed  the  Catholic  spectators, and  as  he  was  in  authority 
the  latter  view  prevailed.  Every  Catholic  present  was 
scourged  with  100  strokes,  and  in  spite  of  Eugenius' 
protesting  cry,  "May  God  see  the  violence  we  suffer; 
may  He  know  the  persecution  which  we  undergo  from 
the  persecutors!"  the  body  of  the  hall  was  cleared  of  all 
but  Arians. 

When  quiet  was  restored  the  Catholics  set  them- 
selves  to  the   business   in   hand,  and   addressing   the 
President  in  Latin,  begged  him  to  state  the  subjects 
for    discussion.     Cyrila    answered,    "I    do    not   know 
Latin,"   and   again    the   anger   of  the    orthodox    rose. 
The  reply  was  evidently  a  subterfuge  to  prevent  any 
definite  decision;   and  they  declared   that  before  now 
they  had  heard  the  self-styled  Patriarch  use  the  Roman 
tongue,  and  that  he  ought  not  thus  to  excuse  himself 
when  such  a  burning  question  was  awaiting  settlement. 
For  two  days  the   rival    parties  wrangled  without 
approaching  any  nearer   to  an  agreement.     Victor  of 
course    lays   all  the  blame  on  the  Arians,  but  if  any 
Vandal  account  had  been  written,  it  is  quite  possible 
that  the  Catholics  would  not  seem  altogether  free  from 
fault.     Their  champion  himself  admits  that  they  found 
their  opponents  unexpectedly  prepared  for  the   theo- 
logical debate,  and   it    was    undoubtedly    their   action 
which   brought    the  conference   to  a  premature  close. 
For    the    Catholics    withdrew    after    the    second    day, 
protesting  that   their  arguments  were  always  met  by 
quibbles  and  that  no  justice  could  be  expected  fi'om 
such    an   assembly,   and    presented    their    defence    in 
written  form  to  the  king\ 

^  This  defence  constitutes  Book  iii.  of  the  historj-  of  Victor  Vitensis. 


134     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES    IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

So  ended  the  great  conference  of  484  and  with  it 
the  chief  hopes  of  toleration  in  Africa.  No  doubt  it 
had  never  been  seriously  intended  to  help  the  Catholics, 
but  at  the  same  time  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Eugenius 
did  not  prove  himself  a  prudent  leader.  The  meeting 
was  forced  on  him  and  he  ought  to  have  made  the  best 
of  it.  He  could  not  hope  to  derive  any  great  benefit 
from  its  decision,  but  he  might  have  won  the  sympathy 
of  all  but  his  most  violent  opponents.  In  this  he  failed 
by  giving  vent  to  his  righteous  indignation  at  the 
appointment  of  a  partisan  president  and  Cyrila's  pro- 
fessed ignorance  of  Latin,  instead  of  accepting  the  ad- 
verse conditions  with  a  dignified  protest.  Whether 
the  Catholics  shewed  sufficient  dialectical  skill  in  main- 
taining their  doctrines  cannot  be  ascertained,  but,  as 
their  opponents  evidently  supported  their  cause  with 
firmness  and  ability,  their  hasty  withdrawal  was  an 
undoubted  blunder.  Even  if  Hunneric  had  been  sin- 
cere in  calling  a  conference,  their  action  must  have 
seemed  to  him  self-condemnatory;  if  he  was  only  seek- 
ing a  pretext  for  persecution,  it  exactly  suited  his  turn. 
In  the  world  at  large,  its  condemnation  by  a  biassed 
judge  would  have  done  the  Catholics  no  harm,  but 
by  their  withdrawal  from  the  Council  they  abandoned 
their  sole  chance  of  vindication  in  Africa.  Though 
Eugenius  was  forced  as  he  was  to  appear  at  a  conference 
from  which  no  justice  could  be  expected,  he  should 
have  realised  the  necessity  of  going  on  to  the  end,  and 
have  borne  with  dignity  what  he  could  not  avoid. 

The  Arians  of  course  made  the  most  of  their 
victory,  and  alleged  that  the  Catholics  had  been 
completely  routed   in  argument  and  had   declined  to 


THE   REIGN   OF   HUNNERIC.  135 

continue  the  debate.  Such  a  report  as  this  was  most 
welcome  to  Hunneric,  for  it  gave  him  a  free  hand. 
He  had  not  yet  decided  to  exterminate  the  orthodox, 
whose  support  he  still  hoped  to  secure  for  his  political 
schemes.  The  abortive  conference  could  be  used  for 
whichever  purpose  he  desired.  If  he  wished  to  apply 
more  pressure,  he  could  quote  the  failure  of  the 
orthodox ;  if  he  wished  to  hold  his  hand,  he  could 
profess  to  entertain  honest  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of  the 
Arian  creed.  At  the  present  juncture  it  was  his  policy 
to  persecute  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  his  Arian 
subjects  on  the  chance  of  overcoming  the  Catholics' 
scruples.  So  once  more  religious  oppression  swept  over 
Africa. 

All  the  Catholic  bishops  who  had  not  come  to  the 
conference  and  all  who  had  hastened  home  again  were 
summoned  to  Carthage.  On  February  7  the  churches 
throughout  the  land  had  been  closed  and  their 
property  handed  over  to  the  Arians;  and  as  Victor  of 
Vite  says  "the  Vandals  did  not  blush  to  issue  against 
us  the  law,  which  formerly  our  Christian  emperoi'S  had 
passed  against  them  and  other  heretics  for  the  honour 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  adding  many  things  of  their 
own  as  it  pleased  their  tyrannical  powerV" 

In  fact  with  grim  humour  Hunneric  turned  against 
the  Catholics  the  very  weapons  they  had  used  against 
the  Donatists.  He  reissued  the  Theodosian  edict  of  392, 
as  one  of  the  most  terrible  measures  ever  yet  employed 
against  a  religious  body.  For  not  only  were  the  Catholic 
priesthood  proscribed,  their  churches  and  property  con- 
fiscated, their  services  and  especially  their  baptisms  and 
^  Victor  Vit.,  iv.  1. 


136     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

ordinations  forbidden,  but  they  themselves  were  banished 
from  every  town  or  inhabited  place,  were  deprived  of  their 
places  if  in  the  service  of  the  Crown,  lost  the  power  of  be- 
quest and  gift,  and  even  in  the  end  of  holding  property. 
Every  religious  and  civil  right  was  taken  from  them 
and  they  were  at  the  mercy  of  every  informer.  The 
most  stringent  regulations  were  made  for  the  execution 
of  this  edict ;  every  official  was  to  fulfil  its  provisions  to 
the  best  of  his  power,  and  severe  penalties  were  enacted 
against  those  who  did  not  rigidly  enforce  the  edict. 
In  fact  it  was  almost  safer  to  be  a  Catholic  than  to  be 
a  judge  lenient  towards  them ;  the  Catholic  could  at 
most  be  reduced  to  poverty  and  exile,  while  the  judge 
was  to  be  proscribed  and  put  to  death.  A  short  period 
of  grace  was  however  allowed  to  the  Catholics.  The 
edict  was  issued  on  February  25th,  484,  and  was  not  to 
come  into  force  until  June  1st,  but  after  that  date  all 
who  had  not  become  Arians  were  exposed  to  the  full 
fury  of  the  storm  \ 

The  Catholics  seemed  indeed  beaten.  Such  a  per- 
secution as  this  had  never  before  overtaken  them, 
either  under  pagan  emperors  or  heretical  kings. 
Now  for  the  first  time  did  they  realize  the  irre- 
sistible power  of  the  State,  when  applied  to  religious 
matters  with  all  the  vigour  of  semi-civilised  fanaticism. 

However  before  these  edicts,  "  feralia  veneno  toxi- 
cato  transversaV  came  into  force,  Hunneric  shewed 
how  little  he  cared  about  the  theological  dispute. 
His  own  23rojects  alone  urged  him  on,  and  the  persecu- 
tion of  the  Catholics  Avas  the  outcome  of  political 
revenge,  not  of  religious  hate.  The  orthodox  bishops, 
1  Victor  Vit.,  iv.  2.  2  j^/j.^  i^^  3, 


THE    REIGX    OF    HUNNERIC.  137 

who  were  still  detained  at  Carthage,  were  suddenly 
expelled  from  the  city.  Without  any  warning  they  were 
ordered  out  of  their  temporary  homes,  leaving  ail  their 
property  behind  them ;  and  were  refused  permission  to 
use  beasts  of  burden  or  to  take  as  much  as  a  change  of 
clothing  with  them.  No  one  was  to  give  them  shelter 
or  help,  and  if  anyone  dared  to  relieve  their  distress, 
he  did  so  at  the  peril  of  his  life  and  goods. 

The  bishops  were  in  a  terrible  dilemma.  If  they 
stayed  near  Carthage,  the  miseries  of  exposure  and  slow 
starvation  stared  them  in  the  face.  If  they  returned 
home,  not  only  would  they  involve  their  churches  and 
their  friends  in  their  own  ruin,  but  they  themselves 
would  be  haled  violently  back,  and  charged  with  a 
cowardly  shrinking  from  a  hopeless  contest.  In  their 
extremity  they  adopted  a  desperate  course  and  in 
a  body  waited  on  the  king  to  plead  their  cause. 
Hunneric  met  them  at  the  fishponds  and  for  a  time 
listened  to  their  prayers.  They  pointed  out  that  they 
had  done  no  harm,  but  had  assembled  for  the  con- 
ference according  to  his  orders  and  they  asked  why 
they  were  thus  robbed  and  calumniated  and  driven 
in  hunger  and  nakedness  away  from  their  sees  and 
homes.  However  their  words  were  of  no  avail ;  the 
king  as  soon  as  he  was  tired  of  their  complaints  ordered 
his  escort  to  charge,  and  his  horse-soldiers  dispersed  the 
defenceless  company  of  saintly  old  men.  The  majority 
escaped  their  pursuers,  but  many,  and  especially  the 
infirm  and  aged,  were  knocked  down  and  slain ^ 

Such  treatment  as  this  appeared  to  the  king 
certain  to  break  the  resolution  of  the  oppressed  bishops, 
1  Victor  Vit.,iv.  3. 


138    THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

and  once  more  he  endeavoured  to  gain  an  advantage  in 
the  politics,  for  which  he  cared,  at  the  expense  of  the 
religion,  with  which  he  toyed.  His  victims  were  bidden 
meet  at  the  Temple  of  Memory  to  receive  his  final 
offers.  They  were  no  longer  to  be  required  to  accept 
the  Arian  faith  and  they  were  to  return  in  safety  to 
their  sees,  if  only  they  would  swear  to  obey  a  folded 
charter,  now  presented  to  them.  Some  wished  to 
accept  these  terms;  but  two  of  their  number,  Hortula- 
nus  and  Florentianus,  stood  firm,  and  pointed  out  the 
impossibility  of  accepting  "like  irrational  animals,"  a 
document,  the  contents  of  which  were  hidden.  Defeated 
in  his  first  attempt,  Hunneric  threw  off  all  disguise 
and  set  forth  his  demands  plainly  in  a  letter  which 
revealed  his  utter  insincerity.  Let  them  swear,  said  he, 
to  acknowledge  his  son  Hilderic  as  his  heir,  or  at  least 
let  them  promise  not  to  write  to  the  Emperor  at  Con- 
stantinople nor  to  advise  him  to  make  any  attempts  to 
recover  Africa,  in  case  of  civil  troubles.  Such  proposals 
as  these,  divorced  as  they  were  from  all  theological  points, 
imposed  a  severe  temptation  upon  the  bishops.  Their 
opinion  was  divided  ;  some  wished  to  accept  the  king's 
proposals,  the  more  prudent^  to  refuse.  One  party 
feared  the  reproaches  of  posterity  and  the  accusation 
that  they  had  lost  their  churches  by  their  own  folly ; 
the  other  urged  the  want  of  all  guarantee  for  the 
king's  good  faith,  and  added  the  curious  argument 
that  the  required  oath  would  be  a  contravention  of  our 
Lord's  command,  "  Swear  not  at  all." 

Seeing  that  there  was  no  hope  of  a  definite  agree- 
ment, the   royal    officials  took  down  the   names   and 

1  "  astutiores,"  Victor  Vit. 


THE   REIGN   OF   HUNNERIC.  139 

sees  of  each  of  the  two  parties  and  imprisoned  all 
alike.  Unfortunately  the  long  period  of  anxiety  and 
privation  had  done  its  work,  and  this  new  division  of 
opinion  added  mutual  bitterness  to  the  trials  of  the 
Catholics.  Those  who  had  accepted  the  king's  terms 
declared  that  secular  politics  and  not  religion  had 
inspired  the  refusal  of  the  others  ;  and  they  would  find 
time  enough  to  repent  when  banished  to  Corsica  to 
cut  wood  for  the  fleet.  The  others  replied  that  even  if 
compliance  had  brought  restoration  to  their  sees,  they 
would  never  have  been  allowed  to  resume  their  eccle- 
siastical functions,  but  would  have  been  degraded  to 
the  condition  of  agricultural  serfs \  In  spite  however 
of  these  unfortunate  but  very  natural  disputes,  nearly 
all  the  bishops  met  the  same  fate.  Of  the  466  prelates 
who  assembled  at  the  conference,  302  were  banished 
to  the  African  deserts,  46  to  Corsica,  88  perished  under 
the  weight  of  their  hardships,  and  28  managed  to 
escape  from  their  oppressors.  Two  are  specially  distin- 
guished as  having  attained  to  the  crown  of  martyrdom 
and  the  glory  of  confessorship-. 

The  trials  of  Eugenius''  have  been  recorded  in  fuller 
detail  than  those  of  his  fellow-sufferers.  Tripoli  was 
the  place  of  his  exile  where  he  became  the  mark  of  the 
enmity  of  the  Arian  clergy.  Antonius,  the  heretical 
bishop  of  the  district,  proved  himself  a  worse  foe  than 
even  Hunneric  and  rejoiced  to  witness  the  miseries  of 
the  aged  saint.  The  condition  of  Eugenius  was  bad 
enough  without  any  added  hardship.  He  was  allowed 
only  the  coarsest  food,  and  though  delirious  with  fever 

^  Victor  Vit.,  iv.  3 — 5.  -  Notitia  at  end  of  Victor  Vitensis. 

3  Victor  Vit.,  v.  11. 


140    THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

and  threatened  by  paralysis  was  forced  to  stretch 
himself  on  the  bare  ground.  Hearing  of  his  illness 
Antonius  hastened  to  see  him,  and,  forcing  him  to 
drink  the  bitterest  vinegar,  laughed  to  hear  his  sense- 
less wanderings.  However,  in  spite  of  his  enemies,  the 
health  of  Eugenius  was  restored  and  he  lived  to  return 
to  his  see  under  the  milder  rule  of  Gunthamund. 

But  the  persecution  was  now  no  longer  confined  to 
the  Catholic  bishops.  Hunneric  had  tried  to  deal  with 
them  all  at  once  by  collecting  them  at  Carthage ;  and 
though  a  few  of  them  seem  to  have  been  absent  from 
the  conference  or  to  have  managed  to  return  home 
afterwards,  these  too  were  soon  driven  into  exile  or 
obliged  to  flee.  Thus  Faust  us  was  forced  to  leave  his 
see  and  dwell  in  the  utmost  poverty  near  his  old  church, 
in  order  that  his  sufferings  might  be  increased  by  the 
scoffs  of  those  who  knew  him  in  prosperity.  For  a 
time  he  was  allowed  to  live  the  self-denying  life  of  a 
monk ;  but  as  the  fame  of  his  virtues  gathered  followers 
round  him,  the  Arians  once  more  drove  him  forth  to 
find  a  safer  hiding-place \  Rufinian,  a  bishop  of 
Byzacene,  was  more  fortunate,  for  he  escaped  to  Sicily 
and  there  founded  a  monastery,  the  reputation  of  which 
drew  St  Fulgentius  across  the  sea-. 

There  is  no  need  to  go  in  detail  through  the  horrors 
of  the  general  persecution.  The  last  pages  of  Victor's 
narrative  are  filled  with  atrocities,  only  relieved  by  the 
heroism  they  called  forth.  Neither  age  nor  sex  was 
spared ;  ladies  of  noble  rank  were  indeed  the  especial 
objects  of  violence.  Mutilations,  shameful  indignities, 
tortures,  murders  were  perpetrated  on  every  side.    Some 

1  Vita  Sit.  FuJgentii,  §§  4,  8.  -  Ibid.,  §  13. 


THE   REIGN    OF    HUNNERIC.  141 

of  the  Catholics  fled  to  the  mountains  and  deserts,  only 
to  find  a  death  of  slow  starvation ^  Others,  roused  to 
desperation,  cursed  their  persecutors  and  courted  certain 
doom ;  but  most  were  content  to  await  in  quiet  the 
sufferings  which  were  too  surely  to  be  their  lot'^. 

Two  places  stand  out  as  the  scene  of  the  most  syste- 
matic oppression.  At  Tipasa,  in  Mauritania  Caesariensis, 
there  were  a  large  number  of  Catholics,  who  had  probably 
been  protected  by  their  remoteness  from  Carthage  and 
had  never  known  the  meaning  of  persecution.  But 
now  an  Arian  bishop  was  sent  out,  and  all  the  orthodox 
who  could  fled  to  Spain.  The  few  who  remained  refused 
to  hide  their  belief  and  openly  continued  to  celebrate 
the  divine  service,  unmoved  by  either  the  threats  or 
the  promises  of  the  heretical  prelate.  He  applied  to 
the  king  for  aid,  and  a  count  was  sent  with  directions  to 
gather  the  Catholics  from  all  the  province  of  Caesariensis 
together  and  force  them  into  submission,  and  even  to 
resort  to  the  mutilation  of  the  right  hands  and  tongues 
of  those  who  remained  obstinate.  The  savage  orders 
were  carried  out  to  the  letter,  and  some  of  those  who 
suffered  fled  to  Constantinople,  where  they  astonished 
and  edified  all  by  speaking  plainly  though  without  their 
tongues  ^ 

At  Carthage,  the  head-quarters  of  both  Arianism 

1  Victor  Viteusis,  v,  15.  -  Ibid.,  v.  1 — 8. 

•^  This  celebrated  phenomenon  evidently  created  a  great  sensation 
at  the  time  and  has  led  to  many  discussions  since.  All  the  old 
historians  record  it ;  cf.  Victor  Vit.,  v.  6;  Procopius,  De  Bello  Vand. 
I.  7;  Marcellinus  Comes,  s.a.,  484  ;  Theophanes,  s.a.  526,  etc.  For 
a  modern  authority  consult  Dr  Abbott  who,  in  his  PhilomytJtus 
(pp.  19,  20),  discusses  the  claim  Cardinal  NewTnan  makes  to  give  the 
event  a  miraculous  character. 


142     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

and  Catholicism,  the  persecution  was  particularly  severe. 
Eugenius  had  been  already  exiled  and  many  of  the 
clergy  had  been  slain,  but  once  more  Hunneric  decided 
to  sanction  that  thoroughness  of  persecution  which 
distinguishes  his  policy  from  that  of  the  other  Vandal 
kings.  All  the  Catholic  clergy  of  the  city,  to  the 
number  of  five  hundred,  were  ordered  into  exile,  and  so 
determined  were  the  Arians  to  finally  crush  their  rivals, 
that  not  even  the  boy  "  readers  "  were  allowed  to  remain 
behind.  At  the  same  time  the  inmates  of  Catholic 
monasteries  and  many  of  the  laity  were  persecuted. 
Seven  monks  from  Capsa  were  brought  to  Carthage  to 
suffer  martyrdom,  and  two  merchants,  who  were  both 
called  Frumentius,  were  put  to  death.  But  despite 
all  these  barbarities  the  Catholics  of  the  city  were  not 
overawed.  Some,  it  is  true,  apostatised,  and  some  of 
these  were  distinguished  as  persecutors,  but  the  great 
majority  of  the  Catholics  were  moved  to  enthusiasm 
by  the  sufferings  of  the  martyrs.  The  seven  monks  were 
visited  in  prison  by  crowds  of  sympathizers,  and  the 
exiled  clergy  were  sustained  on  their  weary  march  by 
friends,  to  whose  ministrations  the  Vandals  finally  put 
an  end.  However,  the  Arians  adopted  measures  far  more 
likely  to  be  effective  than  mere  persecution,  when  they 
tried  to  get  hold  of  the  children  of  Catholics  in  order  to 
bring  them  up  in  the  unorthodox  faith.  The  choristers, 
who  were  going  into  exile  with  the  clergy  of  Carthage, 
were  fetched  back  to  prevent  their  education  as 
Catholics,  and  the  abduction  of  children  became  the 
regular  practice  of  the  Arians  \ 

There  were,  for  all  the  fanaticism  of  the  Vandals, 
1  Victor  Vit. ,  v.  9,  10,  14. 


THE    REIGN    OF    HUNNERIC.  143 

country  districts,  where  the  overwhelming  numbers  of 

the    Catholics   made    the    effectual    establishment    of 

heresy    impossible.      The    wildest    extravagance    was 

shewn  in  the  Arian  attempts  to  gain  a  footing  here. 

For,  ignoring  altogether  the  necessity  of  converting  the 

people  to  their  tenets,  and  unable   to  force   them  to 

attend  their  churches,  they  devoted  all  their  attention 

to  baptizing  according  to  the  heretical  rite.     Led  by  a 

bishop  or  priest,  the  Arians  would  surround  a  village 

by  night  and  arouse  the  inhabitants  to  be  re-baptized. 

Certificates   of  Arian   baptism    were   required    of    all 

travellers,  or  they  were  detained  to  submit  to  the  rite, 

and  even  men  sleeping  by  the  roadside  were  awakened 

by  consecrated  water  falling  on  their  faces  and  an  Arian 

formula  hurriedly  muttered  over  them.    While  some  of 

the  Catholics  treated  these  tactics  with  the  contempt 

they  deserved,  the  remorse  of  others  and  their  strange 

self-inflicted    penances    proved    how    accurately    the 

Vandals  had  estimated  the  great  importance  ascribed 

by  the  majority  of  Africans  to  mere  external  ceremonies^ 

Though   nothing   can   palliate    the   indifference    of 

Hunneric  to  the  atrocities  committed  in  his  kingdom, 

he  must  not  be  classed  among  those  misguided  if  honest 

bigots,  who  have  caused  suffering  for  what  they  believed 

to  be  the  truth.     In  religious  matters  he  was  a  Gallio, 

and    let    things   take    their   own   course,   because    the 

Catholics,   whose  support   he  had  sought  at   the   risk 

of    offendiug   his    own    race,    had    spurned    his    offers 

and    thwarted    his   policy.     He   considered  that   their 

sufferings   might   well    regain  for  him  the  allegiance 

of  the  Vandals.     For  all  his  callousness,  the  Catholics 

1  Victor  Vit.,  v.  13. 


144    THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

did  not  regard  him  as  their  bitterest  foe.  Habetdeus, 
bishop  of  Tamalla,  oppressed  by  Antonius,  the  chief 
persecutor  of  Eugenius,  appealed  to  the  king  directly 
for  protection  for  the  Church.  Hunneric,  in  reply,  did 
not  justify  the  persecution,  but  simply  disclaimed 
responsibility  and  referred  his  petitioner  to  the  Arian 
hierarchy.  From  them  of  course  Habetdeus  got  no 
satisfaction  and  in  despair  returned  to  exile,  while 
Antonius  redoubled  his  persecutions,  secure  of  the 
indifference  if  not  of  the  favour  of  the  king\ 

Once  indeed  Hunneric  took  an  open  part  in  the 
atrocities.  The  emperor  Zeno  sent  a  legate,  Uranius, 
to  remonstrate  with  the  tyrant,  and  the  king  ordered 
worse  tortures  to  be  prepared  and  publicly  exhibited  to 
the  ambassador  as  he  passed  along  to  the  royal  palace'-. 
But  this  barbarity  was  evidently  for  a  political  purpose 
and  was  dictated  by  desire  to  flout  the  emperor  rather 
than  by  any  feeling  of  bigotry.  The  cruelties  of 
his  reign  have  for  ever  branded  Hunneric  with  the 
name  of  a  heartless  tyrant,  and  Victor  of  Vite  did 
not  go  beyond  the  truth  when  he  called  him  "  ilia 
bestial" 

Most  happily  for  the  Catholic  Church  the  days  of 
its  trials  were  as  short  as  they  were  terrible,  and  its 
special  sufferings  were  perhaps  alleviated  by  a  fearful 
calamity  that  befell  all  the  land.  In  the  last  year  of 
Hunneric  no  rain  fell  and  day  after  day  the  pitiless 
sun  beat  down  upon  the  hard-baked  earth.  Even  the 
rivers  ceased  to  flow  and  all  the  grass  was  burnt  up. 
The  harvests  of  corn,  hay,  and  fruit  alike  failed,  and 

1  Victor  Vit.,  v.  16.  2  j^^vZ.,  v.  7.  ^  jtid.,  v.  1. 


THE   KEIGN    OF   HUNNERIC.  145 

man  and  beast  were  exposed  to  starvation.  The  whole 
structure  of  society  fell  to  pieces,  agriculture  and 
commerce  were  neglected,  and  the  country  was  scoured 
in  every  direction  in  the  vain  search  for  food.  Families 
were  scattered,  slaves  left  their  masters,  and  the  richest 
Vandals  were  reduced  to  the  utmost  want.  And  now 
pestilence  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  famine.  The 
heaps  of  dead,  neglected  by  the  weakened  survivors, 
lay  unburied  and  corrupted  the  air,  and  multitudes  fell 
sick  and  died  on  every  side.  In  their  despair  the 
starving  people  fled  to  Carthage,  but  Hunneric  fearing 
the  infection  of  pestilence  ordered  the  gates  to  be  shut, 
and  fugitives  refused  admission  fell  dead  by  the  road- 
side on  their  way  home.  The  two  scourges  of  famine 
and  plague  wrought  such  havoc,  that  populous  villages 
were  swept  away,  and  a  deep  silence  pervaded  the 
untenanted  houses \ 

The  horrors  of  this  autumn  must  have  distracted 
the  attention  of  the  most  virulent  Arians  from  the 
Catholics,  and  the  sudden  death '^  of  the  king,  on 
13  December,  484,  secured  them  against  the  revival 
of  the  persecution  in  its  full  vigour.  This  respite  was 
most  opportune.  Not  even  the  African  Church  with 
all  its  national  earnestness  could  have  for  long  with- 
stood the  terrible  weapons  brought  against  it.  Not 
only  were  the  Catholics  threatened  with  the  most 
barbarous  tortures,  they  were  also  deprived  of  their 
spiritual  guides  and  exposed  to  every  civil  disability. 

1  Victor  Vit.,  v.  17. 

'■^  Prosper  Tyro  {Theodosio  et  Festo  Coss)  says  he  was  eaten  by 
worms;  Isidorus  Hispalensis  {Hist.  Vand.  §  79)  and  Victor  Tunnunensis 
(s.a.  478)  say  that  he  died  the  death  of  Arius. 

H.  10 


146    THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

Active  persecution  alone  might  have  revived  their 
enthusiasm,  but  the  Vandals  had  now  long  realized 
that  it  was  dangerous  to  put  a  martj^r  to  death. 
Hunneric  had  directed  against  them  the  terrible  grind- 
ing oppression  of  the  State,  devised  by  the  great 
Theodosius,  and  it  is  almost  impossible  to  believe  that 
any  Church  could  have  resisted  such  pressure  for 
long  through  respect  for  a  doctrinal  point  however 
important.  Even  if  those  Catholics,  most  distinguished 
for  their  life  and  learning,  had  held  to  their  faith, 
the  great  mass  of  the  laity  would  have  drifted  away. 
Indeed  many  had  already  done  so,  and  the  Synod 
at  the  Lateran  of  487  or  488  was  entirely  concerned 
with  the  terms  upon  which  the  lapsed  should  be 
allowed  to  return  \  These  weaker  brethren  were  of 
every  rank,  and  included  bishops,  priests  and  laymen 
vowed  to  a  religious  life ;  and  two  of  the  most  bitter  of 
the  Arian  persecutors  are  said  to  have  been  renegades 
from  Catholicism  2. 

On  the  other  hand  it  is  evident  that  the  persecu- 
tion ended  too  soon  to  do  any  serious  harm  to  the 
Church.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  people  of  Carthage 
has  already  been  mentioned,  and  it  was  not  altogether 
confined  to  the  native  Africans.  Two  Vandals  left  all 
their  wealth  and  accompanied  the  clergy  of  Carthage 
into  exiled  and  in  the  days  of  Thrasamund  there  is 
additional  evidence  that  the  Catholics  had  won  the 
admiration  and  respect  of  the  more  thoughtful  of 
their  conquerors.  Once  more,  too,  the  social  and  civil 
importance   of  the    orthodox  comes  out;    though   the 

1  Hefele,  History  of  Councils  of  Church,  vol.  iv.  §  215. 

2  Victor  Vit.,  v.  9,  10.  3  jjyi^^^  y.  iq. 


THE   REIGN   OF    HUNNERIC.  147 

victims  of  Hunneric  were  not  picked  out  like  those  of 
Gaiseric,  on  account  of  their  prominence  and  notoriety. 
Two  were  connected  with  the  king's  own  service,  Dagila 
the  wife  of  the  royal  butler,  and  Victorian  the  inti- 
mate friend  and  trusted  adviser  of  Hunneric  himself, 
who  held  the  responsible  post  of  Proconsul  of  Carthage ^ 
With  Catholics  in  such  a  position  as  this  the  Arians 
must  have  realized  that  they  were  far  indeed  from 
the  time  when  the  Church  of  Carthage  would  be  no 
more. 

1  Victor  Vit.,  v.  8,  4. 


10—2 


CHAPTER  VI. 
The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Vandals. 

The  keynote  of  the  policy  of  Hunneric  was  the 
desire  to  secure  the  succession  of  his  son.  For  this  he 
had  toiled,  for  this  he  had  estranged  the  Vandals,  and 
for  this  he  had  persecuted  the  Catholics.  But  the 
rules  of  inheritance,  laid  down  by  Gaiseric  and  approved 
by  the  customs  of  the  Teutonic  race,  prevailed  and  all 
his  efforts  came  to  naught.  Gunthamund,  the  son  of 
Genzo,  was  the  eldest  male  of  the  royal  stock,  and  to 
him,  as  a  matter  of  right,  the  throne  belonged. 

For  twelve  inglorious  years  the  new  king  reigned, 
but  did  little  worth  recording.  He  was  not  the  man  to 
stem  the  tide  of  decay  or  to  restore  the  prestige  of  his 
people.  The  Moors  steadily  pressed  forward,  gaining 
power  in  the  southern  frontiers,  until  even  the  heart  of 
Byzacene  was  not  safe  from  their  marauding  expedi- 
tions. St  Fulgentius  found  Telepte,  on  the  borders  of 
Byzacene  and  Numidia,  exposed  to  their  raids,  and 
Ididi,  in  Mauritania  Caesariensis,  regularly  under  their 
controls  A  bishop  from  the  latter  district  was  slain  by 
one  of  their  plundering  parties 2.    With  such  difficulties 

1  Vita  S.  Fulgentii,  §§  9,  11.  2  c.  I.  L.  voL  viii.  9286. 


THE   DECLINE    AND    FALL   OF   THE    VANDALS.     149 

at  home  it  was  natural  that  the  Vandals  suffered 
equally  abroad.  Theoderic,  the  new  master  of  Italy, 
was  able  to  stipulate  that  their  attacks  on  Sicily  should 
cease  at  the  very  moment  he  repudiated  the  tribute, 
promised  by  Odoacer  for  that  island  V 

Though  from  the  political  standpoint  the  reign  of 
Gunthamund  appears  utterly  inglorious,  the  position  of 
the  Catholics  was  greatly  improved.  The  king  himself 
was  not  a  persecutor,  and  only  the  circumstances  of  the 
time  prevented  him  from  extending  open  toleration  to 
the  Church.  At  first  he  had  not  a  free  hand;  his 
succession  was  disputed,  and  if  he  had  seemed  less 
zealous  than  his  predecessor  in  the  Arian  cause,  he 
might  have  lost  the  support  of  the  heretical  hierarchy 
and  mth  it  his  kingdom.  For  three  years  he  dared 
not  check  the  persecution,  and  for  a  time  even  greater 
brutalities  were  perpetrated  than  in  the  days  of 
Hunneric^ 

But  once  Gunthamund  was  securely  seated  on  the 
throne  and  safe  from  the  attacks  of  his  enemies,  he 
was  able  to  consult  his  own  wishes  and  shew  mercy 
to  the  Catholics.  Yet  he  did  nothing  suddenly  and 
a  change  of  policy  was  initiated  with  the  greatest 
caution.  There  was  no  general  recall  of  the  exiled 
clero-v,nor  were  the  forfeited  churches  at  once  restored  ; 
but  the  return  of  Eugenius,  who  had  won  the 
respect  of  all  Africa— Vandal,  orthodox  and  heretic 
alike— was  not  prevented,  and  in  487,  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Martyr  Agileus  and  its  burying-ground  were  given 

1  Papencordt,  Geschichte  der  Vmtdalen,  p.  119. 
'^  Procopius,  De  Bello  VamL,  i.  7 ;  Gelasius,  Ep.  13  ;  Theophaues, 
Chron.,  s.a.,  52G. 


150      THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

back  to  the  Catholics  of  the  metropolitan  city.  For 
seven  years  little  more  was  done  and  no  general  tolera- 
tion was  shewn.  But  on  August  10,  494,  on  the 
petition  of  Eugenius  himself,  all  the  other  clergy  were 
recalled  and  the  churches  reopened,  after  they  had 
been  closed  for  eleven  years,  six  months  and  eight 
days\  Although  there  had  been  seven  years'  delay 
in  the  granting  of  a  full  measure  of  toleration,  the 
trend  of  events  and  public  opinion  had  already  fore- 
shadowed the  action  of  the  king.  So  many  Catholics, 
who  had  lapsed  or  been  rebaptized  willingly  or  unwill- 
ingly, had  sought  readmission  to  the  Church,  that 
either  in  487  or  488  Pope  Felix  I.  had  held  a  special 
synod  at  the  Lateran  to  consider  the  terms  on  which 
the  penitents  could  be  received"^. 

Although  the  king  himself  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  indifferent  to  the  rights  of  his  orthodox  subjects, 
it  was  not  easy  to  restrain  the  violence  of  the  Arians. 
St  Fulgentius,  the  future  Bishop  of  Ruspe,  in  this 
reign  entered  upon  his  life  of  monastic  devotion  and 
was  a  member  of  several  religious  communities  in 
different  parts  of  the  country.  Wherever  he  went  he 
was  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  local  Arians  or  the 
marauding  Moors,  and  at  last  in  despair  he  removed  to 
Ididi,  in  Mauritania,  believing  that  even  barbarians 
were  less  dangerous  neighbours  than  fanatical  heretics. 
Yet  some  of  the  Arians  protected  the  Catholics,  for  when 
Felix,  a  heretic  priest,  beat  Fulgentius  on  the  charge  of 
converting  the  Vandals,  he  was  checked  by  an  Arian 

1  Prosper  Tyro,  vii.,  Theodosio  et  Festo  Coss ;  Victor  Tunn.,  s.a., 
478. 

-  Hefele,  vol.  iv.  §  215. 


THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL    OF   THE    VANDALS.     151 

bishop,  and  a  few  years  later,  the  "  primarius "  of 
Byzacene  built  him  a  monastery  in  a  peaceful  spot  far 
from  the  possibility  of  any  molestation \ 

The  position  of  the  Church  under  Gunthamund 
may  be  summed  up  as  a  state  of  insecure  toleration, 
but  the  feeble  support  of  the  king  was  sufficient  to 
induce  a  people  satiated  with  cruelty  to  permit  the 
restoration  of  the  Catholic  clergy.  But  on  the  part  of 
the  Catholics  the  greatest  care  was  necessary,  as  any 
fanatical  Arian  could  still  incite  the  mob  to  repeat  the 
horrors  of  the  days  of  Hunneric.  For  two  years  and 
one  month  after  the  reopening  of  the  churches,  Guntha- 
mund continued  to  reign  ;  but  on  24  September,  496, 
he  died  and  was  succeeded  by  Thrasamund,  his  brother-. 

The  history  of  the  new  reign  marks  a  gradual 
alteration  in  the  character  and  position  of  the  con- 
querors of  Africa.  More  than  half  a  century  had  passed 
since  the  fall  of  Carthage  and  the  Vandals  were  now 
accepted  as  regular  members  of  the  family  of  nations, 
admitted  to  friendly  intercourse,  not  only  by  the 
invaders  of  Italy  but  by  the  Eastern  emperors,  all  idea 
of  a  reconquest  (jf  the  old  province  seeming  to  have 
been  definitely  abandoned  by  the  Imperial  government. 
But  more  important  than  their  altered  relations  with 
other  nations  was  the  subtle  change  in  the  Vandal 
character.  The  apparent  security  o(  their  position  and 
their  growing  intercourse  with  nations  more  civilized 
than  themselves  corrupted  the  primitive  simplicity 
of  the  Vandal  conquerors.  The  desperate  courage  that 
had   inspired    them  to   subdue  Africa   and   harry  the 

1  Vita  Sti.  Fulg.,  §§  4,  8—11,  14. 

-  Prosper  Tyro,  vn.,  Ilieodosio  et  Fei^to  Coss. 


152     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

shores  of  the  Mediterranean  dwindled  under  the  com- 
bined influences  of  security  and  luxury,  nor  did  the 
Vandals  in  losing  the  virtues  of  barbarous  warriors 
gain  the  arts  of  peace.  Under  a  veneer  of  civilization 
they  were  as  cruel  as  ever,  but  fraud  was  employed  in 
pursuit  of  their  desires  in  the  place  of  the  ferocious 
bravery  of  their  ancestors.  The  policy  of  Thrasamund 
shewed  none  of  the  straightforwardness  for  which  his 
race  had  once  been  celebrated.  He  tried  to  convert 
the  Catholics  by  promises  rather  than  by  violence  ;  and 
proved  himself  incapable  of  recognising  that  advantages 
gained  by  a  treaty  ought  to  carry  with  them  their 
attendant  obligations. 

Thrasamund  indeed  was  the  first  Vandal  monarch 
to  pay  much  attention  to  foreign  alliances.  Gaiseric 
had  occasionally  urged  the  other  invaders  of  the  Empire 
on  to  effect  a  diversion  when  he  was  in  danger,  and 
both  he  and  Hunneric,  whilst  never  suffering  outside 
dictation,  had  permitted  Imperial  ambassadors  to  visit 
Carthage.  But  now  almost  cordial  relations  were  set 
up  with  the  court  of  Constantinople,  and  a  matrimonial 
alliance  was  contracted  with  the  master  of  Italy. 
The  Eastern  Emperor  Anastasius  negotiated  several 
treaties  with  Thrasamund,  and  doubtless  Procopius  is 
only  reflecting  the  popular  feeling  of  the  time  when  he 
praises  the  Vandal  king  for  his  dignity  and  good  looks 
and  the  prudence  and  magnanimity  of  his  rule\ 

But,  whatever  were  the  relations  between  Con- 
stantinople and  Carthage,  they  had  far  less  effect  upon 
the  fortunes  of  Africa  than  the  marriage  of  Thrasamund 
to  Amalafrida,  the  sister  of  Theoderic,  who  brought 
1  Procop.,  De  Bello  Vaiid.,  i.  7. 


THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL   OF   THE    VANDALS.     153 

with  her  a  body-guard  of  5000  men,  of  whom  1 000  were 
picked  Goths,  whilst  her  dowry  of  Lilybseum  gave  the 
Vandals  a  foothold  once  more  in  Sicily^  Thrasamund 
proved  an  unsatisfactory  ally,  and  received  Gesalic,  the 
natural  son  of  Alaric  IL,  who  was  fleeing  from  his 
brother-in-law.  A  vigorous  protest  reminded  him  of 
his  breach  of  faith  and  he  was  compelled  to  make  ample 
apologies'. 

In  spite  of  the  claim  now  advanced  by  the  Vandals 
to  a  position  in  the  community  of  states,  they  were  really 
growing  daily  weaker.  No  foreign  alliances,  no  royal 
interchange  of  presents  could  make  up  for  the  drain  on 
their  strength  in  the  south.  The  Moors  still  pressed  on, 
and  in  Tripoli  the  army  defending  the  frontiers  did 
more  harm  to  the  Catholics  than  to  the  enemy. 
Wherever  they  went  they  made  the  churches  of  the 
orthodox  stables  for  their  flocks  and  herds,  beat  the 
priests  and  forced  them  to  perform  menial  services; 
but  when  they  met  Cabao,  the  local  Berber  chief,  they 
experienced  a  crushing  defeat.  Their  conduct  had  not 
been  unobserved  and  their  conqueror  sent  men  to 
follow  on  their  track,  with  orders  to  try  and  repair  the 
damage  they  had  done  by  cleaning  the  churches,  re- 
lighting the  lamps,  and  distributing  alms.  Cabao  was 
not  a  Christian  ;  but,  connecting  the  defeat  of  the 
Vandals  with  their  sacrilege,  he  hoped  to  gain  the 
favour  of  the  God  rejected  by  his  enemies^ 

Still   more   menacing   to    the  Vandal    power   than 
occasional   border   raids   was  the   kingdom  set   up  on 

^  Procop.,  loc.  cit.  ;  Theophanes,  s.a.,  526. 
•  2  Cassiodorus,  T'ar.,  v.  43,  4. 

3  Procopius,  loc.  cit. 


154      THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

their  frontiers  by  Moors  and  disaffected  coloni.  In  508, 
Masuna,  a  Berber  chief,  established  an  independent 
state  with  a  curious  medley  of  institutions.  The  in- 
fluence of  Rome  prevailed  so  far  that  the  language  and 
Imperial  style  were  officially  adopted,  but  the  two  races 
composing  the  population  of  the  state  were  to  live 
side  by  side  under  their  own  laws  and  magistrates. 
Masgivin,  prgefect  of  Sufar,  ruled  the  Moors,  Maximus, 
procurator  of  Altava,  governed  the  Romans  \  Of  the 
later  history  of  this  curious  federation  nothing  is  known, 
but  it  must  have  come  to  an  end  with  the  reconquest 
of  Africa  by  Justinian.  However,  this  circumstance  is 
equally  a  testimony  to  the  gradual  decay  of  the  Vandal 
power. 

In  his  religious  as  well  as  in  his  foreign  policy 
Thrasamund  shewed  the  same  divergence  from  the 
ideas  of  his  predecessors.  The  Vandal  king  no  longer 
sought  to  inspire  fear  by  persecution,  but  preferred 
to  work  on  other  motives.  Little  actual  violence 
mars  his  reign,  his  policy  being  to  convert  his 
Catholic  subjects  by  making  Arianism  a  condition  of 
worldly  success.  With  profound  knowledge  of  men, 
Thrasamund  determined  to  ignore  the  existence  of  the 
Church  and  to  shut  all  avenues  of  promotion  to  those 
who  clung  to  the  orthodox  faith.  If  a  Catholic  for- 
swore his  creed,  he  was  sure  of  large  rewards  and 
rich  offices,  and  if  anyone  incurred  his  displeasure, 
adoption  of  Arianism  extenuated  every  crime.  But 
for  a  time  at  least  the  Church  was  left  unmolested-. 

As,   however,  Thrasamund    found    this    method    of 

^  G.  I.  L.,  VIII.  9835  ;  Boissier,  UAfrique  Jiomaine,  vii.  §  5. 
^  Procopius,  I.e. 


THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL   OF   THE   VANDALS.     155 

conversion  abortive  he  ultimately  reverted  to  the  tra- 
ditional policy  of  his  predecessors.  About  504'  he 
issued  a  decree  that  as  bishops  died  their  places  were 
not  to  be  refilled.  For  a  time  the  Church  acquiesced 
in  the  royal  command ;  but  as  its  sees  were  one  after 
another  left  vacant  its  position  became  intolerable  and 
a  general  feeling  of  desperation  arose.  It  was  felt  more 
advisable  to  risk  the  outburst  of  royal  fury  by  dis- 
obedience than  to  permit  the  Church  to  die  out  by 
acquiescence  in  his  commands.  The  surviving  bishops  of 
Byzacene  accordingly  met  together,  about  the  year  508, 
and  decided  to  fill  up  at  once  all  empty  sees;  considering 
that  in  any  case  the  Catholics  would  be  benefited  by  a 
bold  policy.  If  Thrasamund's  wrath  was  by  this  time 
appeased,  the  organization  would  be  safely  restored; 
if  the  persecution  was  renewed,  they  would  gladly 
endure  it,  secure  in  their  knowledge  of  the  bracing 
effect  of  adversity. 

The  resolution  once  taken  was  promptly  carried 
out.  No  diocese  and  no  parish  wished  in  such  a  matter 
to  seem  to  la^  behind,  and  sometimes  more  haste  than 
discretion  was  shewn.  Soon  all  Byzacene  was  filled 
with  newly  ordained  clergy  and  very  few  sees  remained 
vacant^  But  one  diocese  was  still  pastorless  and  for 
a  most  unusual  cause.  The  men  of  Ruspe^  had  elected 
the  saintly  Fulgentius  as  their  bishop,  but  could  not 

J  For  the  dates  of  the  decree  and  the  exile  of  the  bishops  I  follow 
the  chronology  of  Ruinart,  History  of  the  Persecution  of  the  Vandals, 
XI.  3,  and  Hcfele,  Hist,  of  the  Councils  of  the  Church,  iv.  221,  but  at 
best  they  are  very  uncertain. 

2  Vita  S.  Fulgentii,  §  16. 

3  Ruspe,  not  far  from  Syrtis  Parva,  35"  1'  lat.  N.,  11°  1'  long.  E. 


156      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IX   NORTH   AFRICA, 

find  him  when  they  sought  to  consecrate  him,  for  he, 
preferring  a  life  of  monastic  self-devotion  to  any  office 
however  important,  managed  to  escape  their  importu- 
nities and  hide  himself  away.  Meanwhile  an  eager 
candidate  appeared  on  the  scene.  Felix,  a  deacon,  had 
none  of  the  scruples  of  the  great  monk  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  try  to  secure  consecration  by  the  influence 
of  the  procurator  of  the  district,  who  was  a  friend  of  his 
family.  His  efforts  were  unsuccessful,  and  as  soon  as 
the  retreat  of  Fulgentius  was  found  he  was  forced  to 
become  bishop,  by  the  representations  of  Victor,  the 
primate  of  the  province  himself  \ 

At  such  a  time  as  this  consecration  brought  as 
much  danger  as  honour,  and  before  long  the  new  pre- 
lates had  to  pay  a  heavy  price  for  their  elevation. 
Thrasamund  was  not  the  man  to  tamely  submit  to 
open  disobedience,  and  as  soon  as  the  general  con- 
secration had  taken  place  Victor  was  summoned  to 
Carthage  to  explain  the  action  of  the  Church.  No 
defence  that  he  could  give  satisfied  the  king,  and  a 
decree  of  exile  went  forth  against  the  new  episcopate. 
From  Byzacene  60  bishops  and  many  monks  and  clergy 
were  conveyed  to  Sardinia 2,  and  there  they  were  joined 
by  others  from  the  rest  of  Africa,  until  120  prelates 
altogether  were  banished  \  Though  exiled  they  were  not 
otherwise  ill-treated.     They  were  not  indeed  supplied 

1  Vita  S.  Fulg.,  §  17.  2  y/^-f^,  ^  j^uZ^.,  §§  16,  20. 

3  The  authorities  are  not  agreed  on  the  numbers  of  the  exiles! 
The  author  of  the  Vita  Sancti  Fulgentii  gives  the  number  from 
Byzacene  as  above.  Victor  of  Tunno  (s.  a.  497)  and  Isidorus  Hispal- 
ensis  {Hist.  Vand.  §  81)  say  120,  without  mentioning  their  provinces. 
Other  authorities  give  225  or  230,  but  120  has  the  best  support. 


THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL   OF   THE   VANDALS.      157 

with  food,  and  had  to  depend  on  the  charity  of  Pope 
Symmachus,  but  they  were  left  to  employ  them- 
selves as  they  chose.  With  two  of  his  fellow-sufferers 
Fulgentius  founded  a  monastery,  and  occupied  himself 
in  answering  the  questions  and  dissolving  the  doubts 
of  many  correspondents  on  theological  points  \  Besides 
the  exiles  to  Sardinia  some  may  have  been  driven  to 
other  places  ;  Eugenius  w^as  perhaps  one  of  them.  He 
died  in  505,  soon  after  the  active  persecution  began", 
and  is  said  to  have  ended  his  days  at  Vienne  in  Gaul'. 
Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  Thrasamund's  policy 
towards  the  Catholics  underwent  another  change.  Per- 
haps the  needs  of  his  foreign  or  domestic  policy,  perhaps 
a  sincere  desire  to  ascertain  the  truth,  impelled  him  to 
summon  Fulgentius,  the  most  eminent  of  the  exiles,  to 
Carthage  to  argue  the  doctrines  of  Catholicism  with  the 
Arian  divines.  The  conference  did  no  good;  and  though 
according  to  his  biographer  the  great  bishop  evaded  all 
the  traps  laid  for  him  by  the  king,  he  could  not  con- 
vert his  opponents  and  w^as  sent  back  to  Sardinia. 
Still  the  account  of  the  visit  of  Fulgentius  to  the 
capital  of  the  Vandals  is  very  remarkable.  He  was 
treated  well  and  allowed  to  live  in  his  own  lodgings. 
No  restriction  was  placed  on  his  preaching,  and  he  is  said 
to  have  not  only  comforted  the  Catholics  but  to  have 
won  over  many  of  the  unbelievers.  When  the  time  of  his 
departure  came  round  Thrasamund,  fearing  a  popular 
demonstration,  arranged  that  he  should  sail  by  night. 
However,  the  elements  defeated  the  royal  plans,  for  the 
wind  veered  round  and  carried  the  vessel  back  to  land, 

1  Vita  S.  Fitlgentii,  §§  20,  26.  -  Victor  Tanu.,  s.a.,  505. 

'  Gregory  of  Tours,  Hist.  Franc,  ii.  2. 


158     THE    CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN    NORTH    AFRICA. 

where  great  crowds  had  assembled  to  bid  Fulgentius 
God-speed  \  No  doubt  the  narrative  is  one-sided  and 
overcoloured ;  but  unless  the  whole  story  is  rejected  as 
incredible,  the  remarkable  fact  stands  out  that  in  the 
stronghold  of  the  Vandals,  under  the  eyes  of  an  Arian 
king,  great  multitudes  of  Catholics  dared  to  collect  and 
defy  the  whole  power  of  the  State.  Thrasamund  tried 
to  defeat,  not  to  suppress,  their  enthusiasm,  and  it  is 
clear  that  even  eighty  years  of  spasmodic  persecution 
had  not  made  it  safe  for  the  Vandal  monarchs  to  openly 
brave  the  wrath  of  the  Catholics,  when  roused.  Such 
is  not  the  record  of  a  declining  Church. 

On  25th  of  May,  528,  died  Thrasamund  after  a 
reign  of  26  years,  8  months  and  6  days-.  On  his  death- 
bed he  was  full  of  misgiving  for  the  fate  of  his  kingdom, 
as  his  successor  Hilderic,  son  of  Hunneric,  no  doubt  in- 
fluenced by  the  teachings  of  his  mother  Eudocia,  w^as 
known  to  favour  the  Catholics.  To  try  to  tie  the 
hands  of  his  successor  was  therefore  the  last  care  of  the 
dying  Thrasamund,  and  he  made  Hilderic  swear  a 
solemn  oath  that  when  king  he  would  not  recall  the 
exiles  or  reopen  their  churches.  As  soon  as  he  was 
dead  his  plans  came  to  nought.  Hilderic,  with  the 
subterfuge  that  formed  a  great  part  of  his  nature, 
devised  a  means  to  break  the  spirit,  while  he  kept  the 
letter  of  his  oath.  There  was  a  short  interval  be- 
tween the  death  of  one  king  and  the  formal  acknow- 
ledgement of  the  next,  during  which  the  king  elect  would 
have  the  supreme  authority  de  facto  but  not  de  jure. 
In  this  Hilderic  saw  his  opportunity;  while  he  wielded 

1  Vita  S.  Fulg.,  §§  21—5. 

2  Prosper  Tyro,  vii.,  Theodosio  et  Festo  Coss. 


THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL    OF   THE    VANDALS.       159 

the  power  of  the  king,  but  was  not  yet  king,  he  issued 
an  edict  restoring  the  banished  clergy,  proclaiming 
religious  toleration,  and  making  Boniface  bishop  of 
Carthage  \ 

Throughout  his  reign  Hilderic  continued  to  favour 
the  Catholics  and  the  Church  enjoyed  perfect  rest. 
Boniface  was  consecrated  in  the  Church  of  St  Agileus, 
the  historic  cathedral  of  Carthage,  and  the  ecclesiastical 
organization  was  restored.  There  was  indeed  urgent 
need  for  reform  after  nigh  a  century  of  persecution, 
during  which  period  the  Church  had  struggled  for  bare 
existence,  with  her  clergy  exiled  or  slain,  her  monasteries 
harried,  and  her  prelates  driven  far  away  from  their 
sees.  Much  of  the  old  organization  had  been  destroyed 
and  some  perhaps  forgotten ;  the  rules  of  ecclesiastical 
government  were  disordered,  and  two  points  in  par- 
ticular called  for  settlement.  The  boundaries  of  dioceses 
and  the  respective  rank  of  the  diocesans  needed  regu- 
lation, and  the  extent  to  which  the  episcopate  could 
claim  authority  over  monks  was  a  question  fruitful 
of  many  disputes. 

No  doubt  while  the  persecution  lasted,  nice  dis- 
tinctions as  to  the  districts  under  the  charge  of  a 
bishop  had  not  been  made,  and  the  Catholics  had  been 
willing  to  accept  the  ministrations  of  any  prelate 
without  enquiring  the  exact  limits  of  his  diocese.  But 
now  brighter  days  had  dawned  and  such  questions 
assumed  a  real  importance.  At  a  provincial  s}Tiod 
at  Junca,  in  Byzacene,  in  523  or  524,  Liberatus,  the 
primate  of  the  province,  complained  of  the  encroach- 
ments of  Vincentius,  bishop  of  Girba,  in  Tripoli ;  while 

1  Vic  tor  Tunn.,  s.a.,  523  ;  Isidor.  Hispal.,  Hi^t.  Vand.,  §  82. 


160     THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

at  the  conference  of  all  the  African  bishops  at  Carthage 
in  525,  Liberatus  himself  was  rebuked  for  claiming  part 
of  the  proconsular  province. 

At  Junca,  the  precedence  of  individual  bishops  was 
also  considered.  Fulgentius  was  placed  before  a  certain 
Quodvultdeus ;  but  as  this  seriously  annoyed  the  latter, 
the  Bishop  of  Ruspe  got  the  decree  altered  at  the 
synod  held  at  Sufes  in  the  following  year\  More 
important  was  the  decision  of  the  precedence  of  the 
episcopate  of  the  various  provinces  made  at  the  great 
council  of  Carthage  already  mentioned.  On  February  5, 
525,  sixty  bishops  from  every  part  of  Africa  met  in 
the  sacristy  of  the  Church  of  St  Agileus  under  the 
presidency  of  Boniface.  The  claims  of  Carthage  to  be 
the  premier  see  were  first  enforced,  and  it  was  then 
decided  that  the  bishops  of  the  other  provinces  should 
rank  in  the  following  order :  Proconsularis,  Numidia, 
Byzacene.  The  omission  of  the  names  of  Tripoli, 
Caesariensis  and  Sitifensis,  though  representatives 
were  present  from  them,  perhaps  bears  witness  to  the 
encroachments  of  the  Moors,  and  the  loss  of  these 
provinces  to  civilization  and  Christianity. 

The  second  problem  calling  for  solution  was  the 
position  of  religious  communities  with  regard  to  theii' 
diocesan.  The  exile  of  so  many  clergy  to  the  deserts, 
and  the  resort  of  fugitives  to  inaccessible  spots,  had  no 
doubt  caused  a  considerable  development  of  African 
monasticism,  and  the  restored  bishops  wished  to 
have  control  of  the  monasteries  within  their  dioceses. 
Liberatus  had  thus  come  iato  collision  with  a  certain 

1  Vita  S.  Fulg.,  §  29. 


THE   DECLINE   AND    FALL   OF    THE    VANDALS.       101 

Abbat  Peter,  and  the  matter  was  discussed  both  at 
Junca  and  Carthage.  The  claims  of  the  Primate  of 
Byzacene  were  defeated  on  geographical  grounds  alone ; 
the  monastery  was  not  in  Byzacene,  and  the  appeal  for 
aid  from  that  bishop  was  only  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
see  of  Carthage  was  at  that  time  vacant.  But  the 
conference  vvas  not  content  with  the  decision  of  the 
particular  case,  but  passing  on  to  consider  the  whole 
question  decreed  that,  as  the  religious  communities 
were  composed  of  men  from  all  parts  of  Africa,  and 
even  of  foreigners,  the  local  diocesan  was  not  to 
have  any  right  whatever  to  interfere  in  monastic 
affairs  \ 

While  the  Church  thus  was  able  to  set  its  house 
in  order,  the  reign  of  Hilderic  was  the  most  inglorious 
the  Vandals  had  yet  seen.  Their  king  proved  by  his 
character  how  hard  it  is  for  even  the  most  vigorous 
race  of  barbarians  to  withstand  the  enervating  effects 
of  a  too  luxurious  civilization.  His  treatment  of  the 
Catholics,  the  one  meritorious  act  recorded  of  Hilderic, 
revealed  a  lack  of  moral  courage,  apparent  alike  in  his 
foreign  and  domestic  policy.  As  treacherous  as  he  was 
timid,  the  king,  who  dreaded  the  very  name  of  war, 
had  no  scruples  to  hinder  him  from  resorting  to  acts  of 
secret  violence.  The  defence  of  the  kingdom  was 
handed  over  to  Hoamer,  the  "  Achilles  of  the  Vandals," 
but  with  no  success.  Antalas  defeated  the  frontier 
armies,  and  the  Leucathae  captured  Leptis  Magna  and 
Sabrata  in  Tripoli,  and  again  invaded  Byzacene  I 

1  For  these  two  Councils,  see  Hefele,  Vol.  iv.  §§  236,  23.S. 

2  Vroco-pius,  De  Bell.  Vand.,i.9;  De  Aedif.,\i.3;  Theophanes,  s.a. 
526. 

H.  11 


162       THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

The  Vandals  viewed  their  humiliation  with  disgust. 
Even  if  policy  was  in  favour  of  cultivating  the  friend- 
ship of  Justinian,  nothing  could  excuse  in  their  eyes 
the  partiality  shewn  to  the  Catholics  and  the  neglect 
to  guard  the  frontiers  of  the  kingdom.  Amalafrida,  the 
spirited  widow  of  Thrasamund,  took  advantage  of  their 
discontent,  and  headed  a  revolt  soon  after  her  husband's 
death.  Beaten  at  the  battle  of  Capsa,  she  was  thrown 
into  prison  and,  in  526,  on  the  death  of  her  powerful 
brother,  Theoderic,  foully  murdered.  His  successor, 
Athalaric,  the  new  king  of  the  Goths  in  Italy,  was 
not  the  man  to  see  his  royal  house  insulted  without 
protest,  and  wrote  to  remonstrate  with  Hilderic.  As 
Africa  was  still  thought  to  be  too  strong  to  be  safely 
attacked,  no  action  followed  the  letter ;  but  the  position 
of  the  Vandal  monarch  was  materially  weakened  and 
he  could  expect  no  help  from  the  Goths  in  the  hour 
of  need^  which  was  soon  destined  to  come  upon 
him. 

When  he  had  reigned  eight  years  and  a  few  days, 
Gelimer,  the  nephew  of  Thrasamund,  tired  of  his  mild 
and  cowardly  rule,  raised  an  insurrection  and  made 
himself  king.  Hilderic,  with  Hoamer  and  his  brother, 
Evagees,  were  cast  into  prison,  and  a  reign  of  terror 
ensued.  Many  of  the  great  Vandal  nobles  were  slain, 
many  lost  their  property,  and  the  tyrant's  rage  included 
even  the  members  of  his  own  family 2. 

Although  it  is  nowhere  recorded  that  Gelimer  ill- 
treated  the  Catholics,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  he 

^  Cassiodorus,  Var.  ep.,  ix. ;  cf.  Hodgkin's  edition  and  notes. 
2  Isidor.  Hispal.,  Hist.  Vand. ,  §  83 ;  Prosper  Tyro,  loc.  cit. ;  Procop., 
De  Bell.  Vand.,  i.  9. 


THE   DECLINE    AND    FALL    OF   THE    VANDALS.      163 

did.  He  had  attracted  many  Vandals  to  his  side  by 
condemning  Hilderic's  friendship  with  Constantinople, 
and  an  easy  and  popular  means  of  proving  his  sincerity 
would  be  a  new  persecution. 

The  usurper  was  not  left  long  to  enjoy  his  new 
kingdom.  Justinian,  the  great  Emperor  of  the  East, 
on  the  pretext  of  avenging  his  ally,  seized  the  op- 
portunity to  recover  the  important  province  of  Africa 
for  the  Empire.  Twice  he  sent  embassies  to  expostulate 
with  Gelimer,  and  as  their  only  results  were  further 
hardships  for  the  prisoners,  Belisarius  was  despatched 
to  conquer  the  land.  He  landed  at  Caput  Yada  in 
September  533,  captured  Carthage  within  a  fortnight, 
and  before  the  next  spring  was  master  of  all  Africa. 
The  Vandal  domination  had  passed  away  for  ever  and 
the  Church  had  emerged  from  her  days  of  bitter 
trial. 

For  over  a  century  Africa,  cut  off  from  the  Roman 
Empire,  had  been  under  the  sway  of  barbarians,  whose 
Arianism  made  them  doubly  odious.  Catholicism  as 
the  creed  of  the  conquered  was  proscribed  as  much  for 
political  as  for  theological  reasons.  To  be  a  Catholic  was 
to  be  the  opponent  of  the  Vandal  regime,  to  be  an  Arian 
to  acquiesce  at  least  in  the  power  of  the  conquerors. 
Yet  although  for  a  century  the  schemes  of  statesmen 
and  the  hatred  of  theologians  had  sought  to  destroy  the 
Church,  the  resolution  of  the  Catholics  had  withstood 
all  attacks  and  had  completely  foiled  the  hopes  of  the 
heretics.  The  Catholics  were  not  uprooted  and  the 
Arians  had  not  gained  a  foothold.  Again  and  again 
had  wholesale  proscriptions  been  ordered,  again  and 
again  had  edicts  been  issued  to  degrade  the  Catholics, 

11—2 


164      THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

exile  their  clergy,  close  their  churches,  and  confiscate 
their  property.  The  very  frequency  of  the  orders  proves 
their  futility.  Few  of  the  Vandals  themselves  wished 
for  their  execution.  For  what  had  they  to  gain  by  a 
systematic  persecution  of  the  orthodox  ?  The  vast  mass 
of  the  population  were  Catholics,  and  on  Catholics 
therefore  the  Vandals  depended  for  their  wealth,  their 
amusements,  and  even  their  administration.  To  a  bar- 
barian race,  the  complicated  system  of  Roman  govern- 
ment was  entirely  new,  and  Gaiseric  shewed  himself  a 
true  statesman  by  leaving  the  Civil  Service  in  the 
hands  of  the  conquered  Africans.  The  destruction  of 
the  Catholics,  therefore,  meant  the  disruption  of  the 
whole  order  of  society,  and  could  only  have  been 
accomplished  by  the  help  of  the  Catholics  themselves. 
No  doubt  the  Arian  clergy  as  a  whole  hated  the 
orthodox,  not,  it  must  be  confessed,  unnaturally,  if  the 
treatment  of  heretics  within  the  Empire  is  remembered. 
But  even  amongst  them  there  were  exceptions,  and  all 
the  efforts  of  the  Vandal  hierarchy  were  more  fertile  in 
isolated  barbarities  than  effectual  proscriptions. 

Most  of  the  Vandal  kings  looked  upon  the  rival 
sects  as  mere  pawns  in  the  political  game.  Leaning  on 
the  whole  towards  Arianism,  none  of  them  shewed  any 
deep  theological  conviction.  Gaiseric  saw  the  inherent 
connection  of  Catholicism  and  Imperialism,  and  knew 
that  if  the  Vandals  were  to  remain  masters  of  Africa, 
Arianism  must  be  the  dominant  religion.  But  he  was 
content. with  that;  as  long  as  the  orthodox  Church  did 
not  try  to  make  converts,  or  to  assert  its  power,  he  did  not 
wish  to  destroy  it.  In  fact  as  long  as  it  existed,  it  was 
a  convenient  hostage  for  the  safety  of  his  kingdom ;  and, 


THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL   OF   THE   VANDALS.      165 

when  he  did  persecute,  Gaiseric  preferred  to  alarm  the 
Byzantine  court  by  the  execution  of  a  single  courtier, 
rather  than  to  weaken  the  Church  by  an  indiscriminate 
persecution  of  Catholic  bishops.  Hunueric  alternately 
favoured  and  persecuted  Catholicism,  as  his  policy  de- 
manded. Gunthamund  recalled  the  exiles.  Thrasamund 
tried  persuasion  before  violence.  Hilderic  was  weakly  in 
favour  of  the  Church  and  Gelimer,  if  he  persecuted 
orthodoxy,  persecuted  all  Africa.  In  no  case  does  it 
appear  that  a  Vandal  king  was  filled  with  fjxnaticism  or 
perhaps  any  real  religious  conviction. 

In  fact  the  only  period  during  which  the  Catholics 
were  in  danger  of  extermination  was  the  last  few 
months  of  Hunneric's  reign.  They  had  crossed  his 
policy  and  had  to  pay  the  penalty  by  being  exposed  to 
the  full  fury  of  Arian  hate  and  systematic  proscription. 
However,  mercifully  for  the  Church,  the  days  of  their 
enemy  were  suddenly  cut  short  and  Gunthamund 
befriended  them  as  soon  as  he  could.  From  his  acces- 
sion onwards  the  lot  of  the  Church  was  much  improved; 
not  indeed  because  it  had  made  much  progress  in  the 
favour  of  the  Vandals,  but  because  the  whole  attitude 
of  conquerors  and  conquered  had  altered.  The  genera- 
tion which  had  driven  out  Boniface  had  long  passed 
away,  and  to  the  contemporaries  of  Gunthamund  and 
Thrasamund  the  ravagings  of  the  Mediterranean  were 
already  a  tradition.  Luxury  and  civilization  were 
doing  their  work,  and  making  tortures  and  exile  more 
and  more  repugnant  to  the  indolent  Vandals.  From 
the  very  first  the  conquerors  had  treated  their  domestic 
slaves  with  some  consideration,  and  as  time  went  on 
Vandal  and  African  no  doubt  regarded  each  other  as 


166     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH    AFRICA. 

necessary  to  their  own  existence.  With  improved 
social  relations,  religious  toleration  must  have  increased, 
and  the  methods  of  the  last  great  persecutor  Thrasamund 
betray  a  desire  to  avoid  violence  as  much  as  possible. 

The  Vandal  persecution  had  therefore  failed,  as 
perhaps  in  any  case  it  must  have  done,  owing  to 
the  immense  majority  of  the  Catholics  over  the 
Arians.  But  still  its  effects  were  great.  A  Church 
cannot  be  harassed  for  more  than  a  century  and  be 
deprived  again  and  again  of  its  leaders  without 
suffering  greatly  from  disorganization  and  disorder. 
As  has  already  been  said,  the  very  boundaries  of 
sees  and  the  precedence  of  bishops  had  been  confused 
and  some  friction  occurred  before  they  could  be  ar- 
ranged. But  of  vital  harm  the  Church  had  received 
absolutely  none.  Some  of  its  insincere  members 
had  indeed  fallen  away  and  some  of  the  faithful 
had  been  forcibly  rebaptized.  On  the  other  hand  it 
had  gained  some  recruits  from  the  ranks  of  its  enemies. 
But  far  more  important  was  the  spirit  of  enthusiastic 
loyalty  aroused  by  its  sufferings  and  the  determination 
to  keep  unimpaired  the  Creed  which  had  cost  so  dear. 
In  the  height  of  the  persecution  crowds  of  Catholics 
had  dared  to  defy  the  Vandal  kings,  and  with  the 
same  devotion  the  Church  of  Africa  henceforth  with- 
stood every  unorthodox  assault.  As  far  as  our  scanty 
records  tell,  from  the  time  of  the  reconquest  of  the 
Province  no  suspicion  of  heresy  ever  lighted  on  the 
Carthaginian  Church.  This  unique  boast  is  no  doubt 
due  to  its  century  of  resistance  to  the  Arian  attack. 

Although  the  Catholics  emerged  from  the  Vandal 
domination  untainted  by  heresy,  the  Church  did  not 


THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL   OV   THE   VANDALS.      167 

escape  the  damage  done  to  all  the  Province  by  a  very 
different  foe.  Never  again  did  the  Emperors  rule  over 
all  the  old  boundaries  of  Africa.  Church  and  Province 
alike  lost  ground  by  the  resistless  advance  of  the  ter- 
rible Moors. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
From  Justinian  to  the  Saracens. 

Though  the  success  of  Belisarius  was  as  decisive  as 
it  was  sudden,  the  capture  of  Carthage  did  not  end  the 
troubles  of  Africa.  The  Vandals,  it  is  true,  disappeared, 
but  they  left  their  legacy  of  mischief  behind.  For  a 
time  Carthage  recovered  a  semblance  of  its  past  glories, 
and  again  saw  its  harbour  crowded  with  the  navies  of 
the  world.  For  a  time  too  the  whole  Province  seemed 
to  shew  marvellous  recuperative  powers,  and  with  the 
towns  rebuilt  under  a  reorganized  government,  seemed 
destined  to  enjoy  its  old  prosperity. 

However,  despite  appearances,  neither  the  efforts 
of  the  Emperors  nor  the  valour  of  their  soldiers  could 
for  long  postpone  the  inevitable  decay.  The  stability 
of  a  country  depends  after  all  upon  its  internal  resources 
and  its  capital  should  be  the  apex  and  not  the  basis  of 
its  power.  With  Roman  Africa  the  reverse  was  the 
case.  All  depended  on  the  external  resources  of  the 
Empire  and  all  places  looked  to  Carthage  as  the  source 
of  their  prosperity.  Had  the  body  politic  really  been 
sound,  every  village  and  hamlet  in  Africa  would  have 
helped  to  swell  the  glories  of  the  great  city ;  but  as 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO    THE   SARACENS.  169 

things  were,  it  was  Carthage  that  had  to  provide 
government  and  security  for  every  part  of  the  Province; 
and  its  luxury  and  magnificence  hardly  extended  be- 
yond its  own  gates.  The  country  districts  contributed 
nothing  to  its  real  stability,  but  merely  supplied  it 
with  riches  to  squander.  But  though  year  by  year 
the  Romans  were  driven  back  by  the  Moors  and  less 
and  less  territory  was  held  by  the  imperial  forces, 
to  outsiders  Africa  seemed  strong,  for  Carthage  was 
still  magnificent.  Nor  was  it  till  the  city  itself  was 
actually  destroyed  that  men  recognized  that  no  effective 
resistance  could  be  offered  to  a  determined  foe  by  a 
province  dependent  on  a  decadent  empire,  and  trusting 
only  in  its  stores  of  accumulated  wealth. 

Although  Africa  had  been  regained  for  the  Empire 
with  surprising  ease,  a  period  of  the  most  terrible  trial 
ensued.  For  twelve  years  the  struggle  between  Moor 
and  Roman,  barbarism  and  civilization,  paganism  and 
Christianity  went  on,  and  it  was  only  in  546  that  the 
internecine  strife  sank  into  a  chronic  state  of  border 
warfare. 

The  Vandals  indeed  gave  little  trouble  after  the 
capture  of  Gelimer.  Of  the  men,  160,000  were  slain  in 
the  two  great  victories  of  Belisarius*;  and  the  rest  were 
either  drafted  into  the  imperial  army  as  auxiliaries,  or 
seeking  refuge  amongst  the  Moors  ceased  to  exist  as  a 
separate  people.  The  women  were  still  left  and  were 
taken  in  marriage  by  the  conquering  soldiers,  but  the 
Arian  ecclesiastics  were  not  easily  got  rid  of.  But 
though  these  survivors  at  first  caused  some  disturb- 
ances, it  was  not  long  before  they  were  swallowed  up 
^  Procopius,  Anecdota,  xviii. 


170     THE    CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

in  the  mass  of  the  provincials  and  within  a  generation 
all  trace  of  the  former  masters  of  Africa  had  completely 
passed  away. 

The  twelve  years,  which  were  to  pass  before  the 
Province  was  at  rest,  fall  naturally  into  four  well-marked 
periods.  In  the  first,  from  534  to  535,  the  reconquest 
of  Africa  is  continued ;  in  the  second,  from  536  to  539, 
the  revolts  of  the  army  and  the  pacification  of  Numidia 
call  for  all  the  energies  of  the  provincial  government ;  in 
the  third,  from  539  to  543,  the  work  of  reorganization 
went  rapidly  forward  under  the  strong  rule  of  Solomon ; 
while  the  fourth  period,  to  546,  saw  Africa  given  up  to 
desolation  and  tyranny  \ 

In  Byzacene  Solomon,  who  vigorously  set  himself  to 
drive  back  the  Moors,  met  with  complete  success  though 
not  without  considerable  loss,  and  on  two  occasions  the 
barbarians  ravaged  the  entire  province.  Within  a  year, 
however,  of  the  recapture  of  Carthage  the  only  Berbers 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  Eastern  part  of  this 
province  were  the  friendly  tribes  of  Antalas.  In 
Numidia,  the  imperial  forces  had  a  more  chequered 
career.  A  chief  called  labdas  had  securely  established 
himself  upon  the  almost  impregnable  Aurasius,  and 
from  there  raided  the  plains  at  his  pleasure,  and  in 
particular  destroyed  Timgad.  At  his  first  attempt, 
Solomon  failed  to  capture  this  natural  citadel  and  was 
disabled  from  renewing  his  attack  by  a  revolt  in  his 
rear. 

For  in  536,  the  imperial  army  suddenly  rose  in 
mutiny.      The     Roman     legionaries     had    long    been 

1  The  authority  for  this  period  of  misrule  is  Procopius,  De  Bello 
Vandalico,  ii.  8-28. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN    TO    THE    SARACENS.  171 

drawn  from  ever}-  nation  within  and  even  beyond  the 
borders  of  the  Empire.  Some  had  married  Vandal 
women  and  were  stirred  up  by  their  wives,  disgusted 
at  the  loss  of  the  estates  which  their  countrymen 
had  long  occupied  in  security;  some  were  Arians  and 
were  discontented  at  the  proscription  of  their  creed; 
and  the  sudden  appearance  of  400  Vandals,  who  had 
deserted  from  the  imperial  forces,  in  the  mountains  of 
Aurasius  and  Mauritania,  brought  the  disaffection  to  a 
head.  Two-thirds  of  the  army  threw  off  their  allegi- 
ance, drove  Solomon  from  Africa,  pillaged  Carthage, 
and  retired  to  Numidia  under  a  leader  called  Stutza. 
Here  they  were  joined  by  the  Moors  and  the  whole 
country  was  once  more  ravaged,  till  Germanus  attacked 
and  put  the  confederates  to  rout.  In  539,  Solomon 
returned  and  at  once  set  about  the  capture  of  Aurasius, 
and  this  time  attained  his  objects  The  Moors  were 
driven  out ;  a  permanent  garrison  was  established  and 
Numidia  at  length  had  peace. 

During  the  next  four  years  the  whole  province  was  left 
unharassed  by  raids,  and  Solomon  undertook  the  much 
needed  work  of  reorganization.  During  the  century  of 
Vandal  domination  much  had  been  done  which  had 
now  to  be  altered  and  the  Province  had  fallen  into  a 
defenceless  condition.  As  soon  as  the  conquest  was 
complete,  steps  were  taken   to  reimpose  the  land-tax, 

1  Procop.,  De  Bello  Vcnid.,  ii.  18 — 21 ;  see  also  C.  I.  L.,  vol.  viii. 
9738.  In  the  mountains  of  Caesarea  El.  Mansour  found  this  inscrip- 
tion:  "I  am  Solomon  the  Seideghos  (0-7^0x77765).  The  people  of  the 
town  having  revolted,  the  King  sent  me  against  them ;  and  God  having 
permitted  me  to  conquer  them,  I  have  had  this  monument  erected  to 
perpetuate  my  memory."     Ibn  Khaldoun  (Slane),  i.  234  ;  ii.  539. 


172     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

and  the  lands  given  by  Gaiseric  to  his  followers  were 
seized  for  the  imperial  treasury.  Both  these  measures 
caused  great  discontent ;  for  the  tax  had  been  so  long 
remitted  that  its  assessment  was  forgotten  and  the 
army  of  Belisarius  thought  that  the  estates  of  the 
Vandals  ought  to  be  their  perquisite.  Moreover,  the 
levying  of  such  taxes  was  the  occasion  of  the  greatest 
oppression,  and  it  may  fairly  be  questioned  whether  the 
African  coloni  were  not  in  all  but  religious  affairs  better 
off  under  the  Vandal  than  the  Imperial  rule. 

Far  more  beneficial  to  the  whole  Province  were  the 
measures  taken  to  secure  its  defence.  The  Vandals 
had  been  unable  to  keep  back  the  Moors,  and,  with 
extreme  shortsightedness,  Gaiseric  had  prevented  his 
subjects  from  defending  themselves  by  destroying  the 
fortifications  of  every  town  but  Carthage.  Conse- 
quently, when  the  Moors  overran  the  land,  the  wretched 
border- towns  had  had  to  resist  as  best  they  could  with 
hasty  barricades  thrown  up  across  the  streets.  Justi- 
nian was  however  a  mighty  builder,  and  he  set  to  work 
at  once  to  refortify  his  frontiers.  The  actual  date  of 
his  works  is  unrecorded,  but  it  is  unlikely  that  so  good 
a  soldier  as  Solomon  allowed  this  time  of  respite  to  slip 
by  without  beginning  at  any  rate  fortifications  against 
the  Moors.  In  Tripoli,  Leptis  Magna  and  Sabrata  were 
surrounded  with  a  wall.  In  Proconsularis  the  defences 
of  Carthage  were  improved,  Baga  was  refortified,  and 
the  castle  of  Tucca  was  built.  In  Byzacene  walls  were 
built  at  the  capital  Hadrumetum,  Caput vada,  Telepte, 
Mamma  and  Cululis  on  the  frontier,  and  the  armed 
camp  of  Aumetera  was  formed.  In  Numidia,  Mount 
Aurasius  was  strongly  occupied,  and  Timgad  and  other 


FROM   JUSTINIAN    TO   THE    SARACENS.  173 

neighbouring  cities  were  rebuilt;  while  in  far-off  Gades, 
the  castle  of  Septa  was  constructed.  Besides  these 
military  works  many  churches  were  erected  in  these 
cities.  At  Carthage,  public  baths  and  the  Maritime 
Colonnade  of  the  Forum,  were  built,  while  the  monastery 
of  Mandracium,  which  towered  above  the  harbour  with 
the  strength  of  a  fortress,  bespoke  the  lordly  ideas  of 
the   emperor^ 

No  doubt  such  enormous  buildings  as  these  were 
the  work  of  many  years,  and  they  cannot  have  been 
finished,  when  the  peace  of  Africa  was  once  more 
broken.  For  four  years  the  Moors  had  seemed  to 
accept  the  Imperial  domination  in  comparative  quiet. 
If  Solomon  had  been  able  to  govern  personally  the 
whole  Province,  all  might  have  been  well ;  but  in 
543  the  treachery  of  the  young  governor  of  Tripoli 
alienated  the  friendly  tribes.  In  a  moment  the  south- 
eastern districts  were  in  a  blaze,  and  all  the  dis- 
contented united  in  one  last  effort  to  throw  off  the 
Imperial  yoke.  Stutza  and  the  few  surviving  Vandals 
reappeared ;  even  the  Antalas  turned  against  the 
emperor,  antl  many  of  the  country  people,  disgusted 
with  the  tyranny  and  extortion  of  the  new  rule,  were 
willing  to  aid  the  insurgents.  Byzacene  was  ravaged 
far  and  wide,  and  Solomon  was  defeated  and  slain 
by  this  formidable  coalition.  All  Africa  seemed  about 
to  share  the  fate  of  the  south-east,  and  in  despair 
those  who  could  fled  to  Sicily  or  Constantinople.  How- 
ever, division  soon  sprang  up  amongst  the  rebels.  One 
upstart  after  another  seized  the  supreme  power,  was 
attacked  and  fell,  and  for  three  years  the  utmost 
^  Procopius,  De  Aedif.,  vi.  3-G. 


174     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

confusion  reigned.  Carthage  and  the  Province  suffered 
immense  damage,  and  once  more  Byzacene  was  swept 
by  the  Moors.  However,  in  546,  John,  the  son  of 
Pappus,  was  sent  out  as  Magister  Militum,  and  by  his 
efforts  the  rebels  were  defeated  and  Africa  recovered 
for  the  Eastern  Empire. 

At  length  the  sorely  tried  Province  was  at  peace, 
for  though  the  borders  were  never  safe,  the  interior 
was  on  the  whole  unmolested  for  another  century. 
This  long  delayed  and  precarious  peace  came  just 
in  time  to  save  Africa  from  utter  ruin.  For  the 
century  of  barbarian  rule  and  the  twelve  years  of 
internecine  strife  had  both  diminished  and  impover- 
ished the  population \  At  the  Vandal  Conquest,  a 
large  number  of  the  inhabitants  were  slain  or  driven 
abroad.  During  the  Vandal  domination,  the  emigra- 
tion still  went  on.  At  the  end  of  Hunneric's  reign, 
a  terrible  famine  and  plague  slew  thousands  of  all 
ranks.  The  days  of  Hilderic  and  Gelimer  were  days  of 
disorder  and  civil  strife,  and  in  the  twelve  years  that 
followed  the  reconquest,  according  to  Procopius,  not  less 
than  five  millions  perished  I  Mr  Hodgkin  thus  sums 
the  matter  up  nearly  in  the  words  of  the  great  Greek 
historian:  "But  from  decade  to  decade,  the  fine  country, 
which  had  once  owned  the  sway  of  the  Vandals,  sank 
deeper  into  ruin.  Many  of  the  provincials  fled  into 
Sicily  and  the  other  islands  of  the  Mediterranean.  The 
traveller  in  passing  through  these  regions,  which  had 
once  been  most   thickl}^  peopled,  now   seldom   met   a 

1  Procopius,  De  Bello  Vand.,  ii.  28. 

2  Procopius,  Anecdota,  xviii. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  175 

single  wayftirer.  Languishing  under  barbarian  inroads, 
Imperial  misgovernment  and  iniquitous  taxation,  the 
country  was  ripening  fast  for  the  time,  when  even 
Saracen  invasion  should  seem  a  relief  from  yet  more 
intolerable  evils  \" 

Although  Africa  had  already  received  its  death- 
blow, it  must  not  be  supposed  that  its  end  came  yet. 
It  had  sustained  irreparable  injuries  and  it  was  subject 
to  a  steady  drain  upon  its  strength,  but  despite  all  the 
Province  for  more  than  a  century  seemed  to  recover  its 
old  glories  and  to  be  almost  as  prosperous  as  it  had 
been  before  the  Vandals.  Under  the  great  Justinian 
the  work  of  reorganization  went  on  apace. 

The  whole  civil  and  military  administration  of  the 
Province  was  set  in  order  and  brought  into  touch  with 
the  necessities  of  the  time.  All  Africa  was  divided 
into  seven  provinces,  Carthage,  Byzacene,  Tripoli  and 
Tini^i'^  under  Consulars,  and  Numidia,  Mauritania  and 
Sardinia  under  Praesides.  Over  all  was  set  the  Prae- 
torian Praefect,  who  from  his  capital  of  Carthage 
exercised  a  general  control.  The  army  was  stationed 
along  the  frontier  in  four  divisions,  each  under  its  own 
Dux,  in  Tripoli,  Byzacene,  Numidia  and  Mauritania 
Caesariensis,  and  strict  orders  were  issued  to  push  the 
frontier  back  to  what  it  had  been  before  the  invasion 
of  the  Vandalsl 

This  was  never  done,  and  the  mountainous  region 

^  Italfj  (1)1(1  Her  Invaders,  iv.  46. 

-  Probably  Tingi  was  a  part  of  Africa  only  by  geographical 
accident.  The  mountains  of  Atlas  shut  it  off  from  Carthage,  and  it 
was  really  governed  from  Spain. 

3  Cod.  Justinian,  i.  27,  1-2. 


176      THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH    AFRICA. 

between  Sitifiensis  and  Gades  was  henceforth  left  to 
the  barbarian  rule.  In  Caesariensis  only  the  town  of 
Caesarea  owned  the  Imperial  sway  and  its  communica- 
tions with  Carthage  had  to  be  carried  on  by  sea; 
outside  its  walls  an  independent  Berber  chief,  Mastigas, 
defied  the  power  of  Solomon  ^  and  his  successors  were 
never  reduced  to  submission.  On  the  other  hand  the 
influence  if  not  the  arms  of  Rome  made  some  pro- 
gress in  Tripoli.  Certain  Moorish  tribes  adopted 
Christianity  and  were  content  to  live  at  peace  with  the 
Province;  but  their  name  "Pacati"  betrays  how  rare 
it  was  for  the  Africans  to  find  the  Berbers  well  dis- 
posed towards  them''*. 

Though  the  whole  of  Africa  was  never  reconquered, 
most  of  the  best  lands  were  recovered.  Proconsularis, 
Byzacene,  Numidia  and  parts  of  Tripoli  and  Sitifiensis 
once  more  belonged  to  the  Roman  Empire;  but  Tingi- 
tana  and  Caesariensis  were  cut  off  for  ever  from  the 
rule  of  Carthage.  Still  what  had  been  reconquered  was 
held  securely;  its  borders  were  comparatively  safe  and 
the  new  fortifications  and  the  strong  frontier  forces 
kept  the  Province  free  from  all  but  occasional  maraud- 
ing raids. 

It  had  taken  twelve  years  of  hard  work  and  con- 
tinual war  to  set  up  the  civil  authority  of  the  Empire, 
but  long  before  the  Province  had  settled  down  to  enjoy 
the  "Pax  Romana,"  the  Church  had  adjusted  its  own 
affairs.  As  soon  as  the  Vandal  power  had  fallen,  its 
liberty  of  action  had  returned,  and  in  spite  of  the  wars 
and  rumours  of  wars  that  beset  all  Africa,  as  long  as 

1  Procop.,  De  Bell.  Vand.,  ii.  20. 

2  Procop.,  De  Aedif.,  vi.  3. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  177 

Carthage  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Imperial  forces,  the 
Catholic  bishops  could  go  on  with  their  task  of  reor- 
ganization. For  much  needed  attention  in  order  to 
restore  the  old  order  of  things,  and  new  problems  caused 
by  the  century  of  persecution  were  clamouring  for  solu- 
tion. On  the  other  hand  the  restoration  of  Catholicism 
was  less  sudden  than  the  restoration  of  Imperialism. 
Although  the  Church  could  not  recover  its  property 
until  Carthage  and  the  Vandals  had  fallen,  its  lot  had 
been  considerably  alleviated  for  some  years  before  the 
arrival  of  Belisarius,  and  it  may  therefore  be  sup- 
posed that  by  534  its  organization,  in  all  its  essential 
branches,  was  fairly  efficients 

On  the  death  of  Boniface,  bishop  of  Carthage,  Repa- 
ratus  was  elected,  perhaps  in  535-.  The  new  Primate  at 
once  set  about  the  settlement  of  the  two  great  questions, 
to  which  the  events  of  the  last  hundred  years  had  given 
rise.  The  proscription  of  Catholicism  had  caused  many 
Africans  to  embrace  Arianism  and  had  driven  others  to 
monasteries  and  convents  to  escape  the  wrath  of  the 
Vandals.  Many  of  those  who  had  joined  the  heretics 
now  wished  to  return  to  the  ranks  of  the  orthodox,  and 
some  of  the  Arian  clergy  desired  permission  to  retain 
their  cures  on  renouncing  their  errors.  The  religious 
communities  had  during  the  days  of  persecution  been 
allowed  to  conduct  their  own  affiiirs  unchecked  by  any 
episcopal  supervision,  and  they  now  resisted  the  claims 
of  their  diocesans  to  exert  the  same  authority  over 
them  as  they  had  over  the  other  Catholics  within  their 
dioceses.     It  was  most  important  to  set  these  problems 

^  Cf.  Councils  of  Junca,  Safes  and  Carthage  in  Chap.  VI. 
2  Victor  Tunn.  s.a.  535. 

H.  12 


178     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

at  rest.  The  ecclesiastical  peace  of  Africa  could  never 
be  restored  until  some  rule  for  the  reception  of  Arian 
penitents  had  been  established,  and  until  the  relations 
of  the  episcopate  to  the  monasteries  were  finally  ar- 
ranged a  constant  source  of  friction  must  continue  to 
exist. 

In  order,  therefore,  to  find  a  solution  of  the  present 
difficulties,  Reparatus  summoned  a  great  council  of 
bishops  to  meet  in  the  Basilica  of  Faustus  in  his 
cathedral  city\  Two  hundred  and  seventeen  prelates 
assembled  and  decided  to  submit  the  question  of  the 
restoration  of  the  Arians  to  Pope  John  II.  A  letter 
was  drawn  up  and  despatched  asking  guidance  in 
this  matter.  Was,  for  example,  every  Arian  to  be 
excluded  as  long  as  he  lived  from  ordination  to 
the  sacred  offices  ?  Were  the  heretical  clergy,  even  if 
sincerely  convinced  of  their  errors,  to  be  expelled  from 
their  cures  ?  A  much-needed  warning  was  at  the  same 
time  sent  to  the  Roman  Church  against  indiscriminate 
charity  to  fugitives  from  Africa,  among  whom  were 
many  of  the  provincial  clergy  who  preferred  to  live  on 
the  charity  of  the  Romans  instead  of  facing  the  hard 
work  necessary  to  be  done  in  Africa.  It  would  be  far 
better  for  both  Italy  and  Africa  if  only  those  travellers 
who  could  shew  letters  of  recommendation  from  theii' 
bishop  were  received  as  sufferers  for  the  orthodox 
faith  and  that  all  others  should  be  treated  as  heretics. 

This  letter  deserves  the  highest  praise.     It  proves 

that  the  Church  of  Carthage  had  learnt  much  in  its 

time  of  trial.     Too  often  had  the  African  Christians  in 

their  fanaticism   done  serious,  if  unintentional   harm. 

1  Morcelli,  Africa  Christiana,  s.a.  535 ;  Hefele,  iv.  §  245. 


FROM  JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  179 

But  here  we  see  the  unexpectedly  victorious  behaving 
with  almost  exaggerated  kindliness  towards  their  de- 
feated foe.  Carthage  had  flxllen  in  533  and  Belisarius 
was  able  safely  to  leave  Africa  in  the  following  year. 
But  it  was  not  till  535  that  the  Catholics  took  in 
hand  the  question  of  the  converted  Arian  clergy. 
For  nearly  two  years  the  latter  must  have  been  allowed 
to  enjoy  their  usurped  positions  and  revenues,  and  no 
undue  haste  can  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  Church 
in  dealing  with  them.  When  the  Council  was  called 
the  utmost  charity  was  shewn.  With  a  kindly  con- 
fidence in  the  reality  of  their  conversions,  worthy 
of  Cyprian  or  Augustine,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
receive  the  heretics  into  the  true  fold  on  as  easy 
terms  as  was  compatible  with  right.  In  a  spirit  of  the 
most  Christian  forgiveness,  and  with  perhaps  as  much 
political  wisdom,  the  Pope  is  asked  to  countenance 
the  continuance  wherever  possible  of  the  Arian  clergy  in 
their  posts. 

When  the  envoy  reached  Rome  John  II.  was 
dead^;  but  his  successor  Agapetus  I.  answered  the 
letter  of  the  Council.  No  converted  Arian  might 
aspire  to  any  ecclesiastical  office,  even  if  he  had  been 
"spotted  with  that  plague"  merely  as  a  child;  and 
he  could  not  allow  heretical  priests  after  reconciliation 
to  the  Church  to  still  hold  their  sacerdotal  office.  If, 
however,  the  bishops  wished  to  support  these  dispos- 
sessed converts  from  the  funds  of  the  Church  the  Pope 
made  no  objection.  With  regard  to  the  warning  against 
ecclesiastical  travellers  from  Africa,  he  would  take  care 

1  27  May,  535. 

12—2 


180      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

that  the  words  of  the  Council  were  respected.  Ten 
years  before  the  claim  of  the  bishops  to  exercise 
control  over  the  monasteries  within  their  dioceses  had 
caused  some  difficulty,  and  the  Council  held  at  Car- 
thage in  525  had  decided  in  favour  of  the  independence 
of  religious  houses.  Once  more  now  the  question  was 
raised.  Felician,  the  successor  of  the  saintly  Ful- 
gentius  in  the  see  of  Ruspe,  desired  to  have  a  definition 
of  his  rights  over  the  monastery  founded  by  his  pre- 
decessor, who  though  a  bishop,  had  never  ceased  to  be 
a  monk.  Bishop  Felix  of  Zactera  in  Numidia  quoted 
the  decision  of  525,  and  said  that  it  still  held  good. 
The  local  diocesan  was  not  entitled  to  interfere  or  have 
his  cathedral  within  the  walls  of  a  monastery.  He 
must  not  ordain  any  monk  without  his  superior's  con- 
sent, but  if  an  abbat  asked  him  to  lay  hands  on  one  of 
his  monks,  or  to  consecrate  the  chapel  of  a  monastery, 
he  must  not  refuse  him.  Moreover,  the  monastic 
priests  were  to  be  fully  recognized,  and  their  names 
must  be  read  out  of  the  diptychs  by  the  bishop  at 
divine  service  in  the  list  of  clergy  ordained  by  him. 
The  diocesan  too  had  no  voice  in  the  election  of 
abbats.  In  the  first  instance  they  were  to  be  chosen 
by  the  votes  of  all  the  community,  but  if  there  was  a 
dispute,  an  appeal  was  to  be  made,  not  to  the  local 
bishop,  but  to  other  abbats,  and  from  them  to  the 
primate  of  the  Province.  Whether  this  was  the  final 
decision  of  the  Council  or  only  the  private  opinion 
of  Felix  is  not  known;  but  in  all  probability,  as  the 
Church  of  Africa  felt  the  greatest  veneration  for  personal 
sanctity,  the  religious  communities  were  allowed  com- 
plete freedom  from  episcopal  authority. 


FROM  JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  181 

The    only   other    business    that    the    Council^   is 
recorded  to  have  undertaken  was  the  despatch  of  an 
embassy  to  Justinian,  claiming  the  restoration   of  all 
rights  and  property  taken   from    the    Church   by  the 
Vandals.     Their  petition  met  with  a  prompt  response ; 
the  emperor  ordered  that  all  who  could  prove  that  the 
lands  of  themselves  or   their   ancestors   to   the  third 
generation  had  been  taken  from  them  by  the  invaders 
should  receive  them  back,  and  on  August  1,  535,  issued 
a  special  edict  to  settle  the  position  of  the  Church.    All 
the   property   of  the   Catholics  seized  by  the  Arians 
was   to    be    restored.     No   Arian,  Donatist,   or   other 
heretic  was  to  celebrate  the  sacraments,  or  choose  and 
(jrdain  bishops  and  clergy,  and  none  but  the  orthodox 
were  to  be  employed  by  the  State.  Jews  were  forbidden 
to  have  Christian  slaves,  to  circumcise  a  catechumen, 
or  to   set   up  synagogues.     The   Church    of  Carthage 
was    confirmed    in    its    metropolitan    rank    and    was 
allowed  the  right  of  sanctuary  for  all   save  ravishers, 
murderers,  or  the  enemies  of  Christianity,  and  every- 
thing dedicated  to  God  was  declared  to  be  sacrosanct  2. 
This  edict  contained  little  that  was  new  and  restored 
what   was   practically   the  state   of  things  before  the 
Vandal  Invasion.     As  before,  the  Arians  and  Donatists 
were  oppressed.     The  Catholics  recovered  their  former 
property,  and  the  bishop  of  Carthage  was  once  more 
recognized  as  the  Primate  of  the  African  Church. 

As  Byzacene  had  suffered  most  severely  from  the 
ravages  of  the  Moors,  it  was  necessary  for  the 
primate   Datius    to   make    use   of    the   brief    respite 

1  Hefele,  iv.  §  248. 

-  Justiniau,  Nov.  36,  37;  Morcelli,  Africa  Christiana,  s.a.  535. 


182     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

afforded  by  the  success  of  Solomon  in  his  second  term  of 
office  to  reorganize  the  provincial  Church.  In  541,  and 
possibly  in  540,  councils  were  held  for  the  restoration 
of  discipline.  A  letter  was  sent  to  Justinian  asking  him 
to  support  the  Church,  to  which  a  favourable  response 
was  given,  followed  probably  by  a  further  interchange 
of  correspondence.  Thus,  in  542,  Datius  wrote  an- 
other letter,  declaring  that  his  efforts  were  directed  to 
the  enforcement  of  the  ancient  ecclesiastical  discipline 
alone,  and  that  he  was  not  trying  to  increase  its 
stringency  \  The  extremely  meagre  records  do  not 
narrate  the  measures  of  the  primate  of  Byzacene  or 
their  success ;  but  there  cannot  be  any  doubt  that  in 
the  terrible  confusion  that  was  so  soon  to  overtake  this 
district  the  Church  suffered  very  greatly,  not  only 
by  disorganization  and  want  of  discipline,  but  by  an 
actual  loss  of  members. 

The  only  mention  by  contemporary  writers  of  the 
attitude  of  the  clergy  towards  the  tyrants  who  ruled 
Africa  between  543  and  546,  relates  an  unfortunate 
incident  concerning  Reparatus,  the  bishop  of  Carthage. 
The  Primate  hastened  to  meet  Gontharis,  on  his  cap- 
turing the  city,  in  order  to  make  the  peace  of  the 
Church  with  him.  The  despot  used  the  presence  of  the 
bishop  to  induce  Areobindus,  the  Magister  Militum,  to 
come  to  the  palace  under  pledge  of  safety,  and  then  had 
him  treacherously  slain ^.  To  accuse  Reparatus  of  any 
conscious  part  in  the  murder  is  absurd,  and  he  had  to 
pay,  later  on,  the  full  price  for  his  indiscretion  in  having 
any  dealings  at  all  with  a  barbarous  usurper. 

Nothing   else   is   known    of  the   condition   of  the 

1  Morcelli,  s.a.  540—2.  2  Procop.,  De  Bell.  Vand.,  11.  28. 


FROM  JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  183 

Church  during  this  terrible  time  of  civil  strife.  It 
was  not  directly  endangered  and  only  suffered  with 
the  rest  of  the  Province ;  but  if  Procopius  does  not 
exaggerate,  both  Africa  and  the  Church  had  now  to 
submit  to  a  loss  of  numbers  which  nothing  could  repair. 
A  great  crisis  was  overhanging  the  whole  of  Christen- 
dom, and  the  action  of  the  African  Christians  seems  to 
shew  that,  though  for  a  time  they  were  too  busy  with 
their  own  affairs  to  attend  to  the  troubles  of  other 
communions,  yet  when  they  were  at  peace  neither  their 
organization  nor  their  orthodoxy  had  been  hurt  by  the 
twelve  years  of  civil  confusion.  The  famous  dispute 
about  the  Three  Chapters  began  in  543;  the  Church  of 
Carthage  could  pay  little  attention  until  549,  but  when 
it  did  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  had  no  more  fervent 
champion. 

Justinian,  in  his  old  age,  had  trespassed  on  the 
domains  of  theology,  and  tried  to  amend  the  decisions  of 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (452),  by  anathematizing  three 
bishops,  whom  that  assembly  had  declared  orthodox. 
Theoretically  the  emperor  was  perhaps  right,  but  it  was 
dangerous  to  admit  that  there  could  be  no  finality  in 
theological  disputes.  Moreover,  the  clergy  of  the  West 
feared  that  any  attack  on  the  provisions  of  the  Council 
was  really  aimed  at  the  creed  of  the  Council  itself,  and 
prepared  to  resist  with  might  and  main  the  decree  of 
the  emperor. 

Vigilius,  the  pope,  led  the  opposition  to  the  Imperial 
decrees,  and  from  the  first  had  the  sympathy  of  the 
Church  of  Carthage.  Legates  from  Africa,  in  544, 
strengthened  his  hand,  and  two  of  their  number,  Fa- 
cundus,  bishop  of  Hermiana,  and  Ferrandus,  a  deacon 


184     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

of  Carthage,  distinguished  themselves  as  authors  of 
attacks  upon  Justinian^  Five  years  later,  when  the 
struggle  was  growing  more  acute  all  over  the  West, 
a  council,  held  at  Carthage,  urged  the  Church  to  resist 
the  unjustifiable  demands  of  the  secular  power  and 
argued  that  the  whole  authority  of  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon  was  impugned,  from  a  pedantic  desire  to 
remedy  one-third  of  its  decrees^.  In  550,  another 
Council  of  Carthage  excommunicated  Vigilius  for  yield- 
ing to  the  Imperial  commands. 

In  551  the  quarrel  came  to  a  head,  and  the  pope, 
for  opposing  Justinian,  was  banished  to  Chalcedon.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  august  exile  was  accom- 
panied in  his  exile  by  two  African  bishops,  Verecundus 
of  Junca  and  Primasius  of  Adrumetum.  Meanwhile 
the  primates  of  Proconsularis  and  Numidia,  Reparatus 
and  Firmus,  had  been  summoned  to  Constantinople  to 
represent  Africa.  At  the  Fifth  General  Council  both 
worthily  maintained  the  validity  of  the  Three  Chapters, 
but  afterwards  Firmus  was  won  over  by  the  presents 
of  the  emperor  and  was  allowed  to  return  home,  only 
to  fall  ill  and  die  before  he  reached  Africa.  Reparatus 
steadily  resisted  the  Imperial  arguments  and  bribes, 
and  it  was  determined  to  send  him  too  into  exile. 
On  an  accusation,  invented  for  the  occasion,  that  he 
was  responsible  for  the  murder  of  Areobindus  six 
years  before,  he  was  banished  to  the  island  of  Euchaita, 
where  he  died  on  the  7th  of  January,  563. 

In  his   place,  Primasius,   his  deacon  apocrisiarius, 
who  must  be   distinguished    from    his    namesake,   the 
bishop  of  Adrumetum,  was,  in  reward  for  his  compli- 
1  Morcelli,  s.a.  544.  2  j^,-^,  s,a.  549. 


FROM  JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  185 

ancy,  sent  to  Carthage  by  the  emperor,  as  bishop.  This 
appointment  was  as  uncanonical  as  it  was  unjust,  and 
was  for  a  time  repudiated  by  the  other  African  bishops. 
However,  after  some  disturbances  and  bloodshed,  in 
554,  the  force  of  circumstances  caused  the  African 
clergy  to  reconsider  their  position,  and  a  council  as- 
sembled at  Carthage  consented  to  receive  Primasius  as 
their  primate,  and  to  repeal  the  former  decisions  against 
Vigilius. 

For  the  next  twelve  3^ears  Africa  was  torn  by 
this  senseless  schism.  For  a  time  it  seemed  as  though 
Justinian  would  soon  be  victorious ;  the  clergy  of 
the  Proconsular  Province  had  accepted  his  views  in 
554,  and  their  brethren  of  Numidia  followed  their 
example  in  the  following  year.  However,  Byza- 
cene  was  not  yet  convinced,  and  the  diatribes  of 
Facundus  of  Hermiana  raised  a  sturdy  spirit  of  resist- 
ance. To  overcome  this  Justinian  appointed,  in  555, 
Primasius  of  Adrumetum  primate  of  the  Province  in 
succession  to  Boethius,  who  had  just  died.  Nothing 
could  be  more  unpopular  amongst  clergy  and  laity 
alike  than  this  choice.  Not  only  was  it  an  usurpation 
of  the  selection  of  the  Primate,  but  Primasius  had 
secured  his  appointment  by  unworthy  means.  First  he 
had  supported  Vigilius  and  had  even  been  exiled  to 
the  monastery  of  Acaetmetae^  but  now  he  bought  his 
elevation  by  his  apostasy.  His  conduct  as  primate 
justified  the  worst  fears  of  his  old  friends.  He  per- 
secuted the  opinion  which  he  formerly  upheld  and 
plundered  those  whom  he  oppressed.     In  the  end  he 

^  Morcelli,  s.a.  553. 


186     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH    AFRICA. 

was  found  guilty  of  extortion,  and  made  to  disgorge 
his  ill-gotten  gains  and  died  a  miserable  death. 

Meanwhile,  the  other  Primasius,  bishop  of  Carthage, 
had  been  doing  his  best  to  win  over  all  Africa  to  the 
opinions  of  the  emperor.  He  exiled  Victor  of  Tunno 
and  Theodore  of  Cabarsussum,  and,  according  to  the 
former,  oppressed  other  opponents  with  scourges,  im- 
prisonments and  exile.  After  eight  years  of  confine- 
ment these  two  champions  of  the  Three  Chapters  were 
summoned  with  bishops  Musicus,  Brumasius,  Donatus, 
and  Chrysonius  to  Constantinople,  to  defend  their  views 
before  the  emperor.  Theodore  died  on  the  same  day  as 
Justinian  in  the  year  565. 

With  the  death  of  the  author  of  the  famous  edicts 
the  meaningless  dispute  of  the  Three  Chapters  came  to 
a  fitting  end.  His  successor,  Justinus,  never  clearly 
defined  his  views  on  the  subject,  and  the  opponents  of 
Justinian  claimed  that  the  victory  lay  with  them.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  both  sides  had  some  cause  to  rejoice. 
The  emperor  was  able  to  point  to  the  delegates  from 
Africa,  who  had  signed  the  resolutions  of  the  Fifth 
(Ecumenical  Synod  at  Constantinople,  in  May  553; 
and  the  African  supporters  of  the  Chapters  could  urge 
that  they  had  prevented  the  Church  of  Spain  from 
accepting  the  Imperial  edicts.  But  by  566  the  whole 
quarrel  had  sunk  to  its  proper  proportions,  and  no 
breach  in  communion  was  caused,  because  Rome  had, 
and  Africa  and  Spain  had  not,  condemned  the  Three 
Chapters  \ 

It  is  by  no   means   clear   that    this   uninteresting 

1  For  the  whole  of  the  quarrel  see  Victor  of  Tunno,  s.a.  550-566 ; 
Hefele,  iv.  §§  260,  262  b,  267,  275,  277. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  187 

quarrel  had  any  permanent  effect  upon  the  destinies 
of  the  Church  in  Africa.  Victor  of  Tunno's  evidence 
about  the  persecutions  of  Primasius  must  be  received 
with  a  good  deal  of  caution.  He  was  himself  a  sufferer, 
and  undoubtedly,  in  one  instance,  party  passion  has  su 
overridden  his  judgment  that  he  is  able  to  praise  a 
certain  Abbat  Felix,  of  Gillitan,  because  he  was  an 
opponent  of  Justinian,  although  he  had  been  banished 
to  Sinope  for  his  scandalous  conduct,  which  had  ruined 
his  monastery^  Moreover  this  period  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  great  literary  activity  in  Africa;  Primasius 
of  Adrumetum,  Junillus  of  Utica,  Victor  of  Matera, 
Eugipius,  abbat  of  the  monastery  of  Lucullanae,  and 
Verecundus  of  Junca,  all  were  noted  authors.  Most  of 
the  subjects  they  chose  were  theological,  but  Victor  of 
Matera  was  a  critic  as  well  as  a  divine-.  Foreigners, 
as  we  are  informed,  began  once  more  to  look  to  Africa 
as  a  seat  of  learning ;  Cassiodorus,  a  Spanish  abbat 
sent  to  the  superior  of  a  monastery  in  Tripoli  for  com- 
mentaries on  the  Epistles  of  St  Paul,  collected  from 
St  Augustine's  works,  by  Paul^,  and  later  on  we  find  that 
the  monks  of  Africa  were  held  in  such  estimation,  that 
they  were  even  summoned  to  preside  over  monasteries 
at  Rome.  Thus  Quoddeusvult  was  made  abbat  of  the 
Greater  Monastery  of  the  Blessed  Apostle  Peter^  and 
Adrian  was  sent  to  England,  with  Theodore  of  Tarsus'\ 
This  superiority  was  also  maintained  on  doctrinal 
points;  in  no  part  of  the  West  were  the  clergy  and 
people  so  orthodox  as  in  Africa. 

1  Hefele,  iv.  §  260;  Victor  Tunn.,  s.a.  553;  Morcelli,  s.a.  557. 

2  Morcelli,  s.a.  550.  ^  Ibid.  s.a.  561. 

4  Ibid.  s.a.  583.  '  Bede,  Eccl.  Hist.,  iv.  1. 


188     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

In  the  thirty  years  that  followed  the  fall  of  the 
Vandal  power  the  African  Church  shewed  no  signs 
within  itself  of  approaching  dissolution.  In  fact 
it  seemed  to  have  recovered  even  more  than  it  had 
lost.  Its  organization  enabled  it  to  act  at  once  with 
the  utmost  decision.  It  had  the  courage  of  its 
opinions.  It  dared  to  brave  the  anger  of  the  emperor, 
and  if  it  yielded  at  last,  it  might  have  fairly  pleaded 
that  there  was  nothing  to  be  gained  compared  with  the 
losses  it  must  sustain  by  holding  out.  A  too  rigid 
opposition  to  pedantry  even  though  in  the  right  may 
itself  become  pedantic  in  the  end.  Such  persecutions 
as  there  were,  grievous  as  they  may  have  been  to  the 
sufferers,  in  no  way  affected  the  vitality  of  the  Church. 
At  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Justinian,  the  African 
Christians  could  with  justice  look  forward  to  a  long 
and  useful  existence  for  the  orthodox  and  well-organized 
body  of  which  they  were  members.  It  is  to  secular, 
not  religious  matters  that  the  historian  must  turn  to 
discover  the  reason  of  the  extinction  of  the  African 
Church. 

At  this  period  two  Imperial  edicts  were  published 
of  vital  importance  alike  to  the  social  as  to  the  political 
welfare  of  the  Province.  The  first  affected  the  numbers 
of  the  population,  and  especially  of  the  agricultural 
population.  If  Rome  wished  to  retain  her  hold  upon 
Africa,  it  was  all-important  to  maintain  sufficient 
people  in  the  country  districts  to  keep  out  the  en- 
croaching Moors.  The  Vandal  occupation,  the  terrible 
pestilence  of  the  time  of  Hunneric,  the  years  of 
disorder  after  the  reconquest  had,  as  has  been  said, 
reduced   the  population   to   an   alarming  extent,  and 


FROM    JUSTINIAN    TO    THE    SARACENS.  189 

now  a  law  of  Justinian  bid  fair  to  extinguish  it  alto- 
gether. By  this  edict  the  children  of  a  freewoman 
and  a  man  bound  to  the  soil  were  no  longer  to  be  serfs 
themselves,  but.  taking  their  condition  from  their 
mothers,  were  free  to  go  where  they  pleased ^  The 
result  was  most  prejudicial  to  agriculture,  and  Theo- 
dorus,  the  new  prefect  of  Africa,  was  continually  warned 
of  the  impossibility  of  keeping  any  population  on  the 
land.  Farms  were  falling  vacant  in  every  direction, 
and  it  was  inevitable  that  all  who  could  would  flock  to 
the  gay  life  of  the  towns  rather  than  stay  in  the 
country  to  glean  such  miserable  existence  as  the  tax- 
gatherer  left  them.  Justinus  saw  the  truth  of  this,  and 
in  568  he  altered  the  law  in  the  same  way  as  its  author 
had  himself  changed  it  in  the  case  of  Illyria^  The 
children  of  an  alliance  between  a  freewoman  and  slave 
should  be  personally  free,  but  should  be  forbidden  to 
leave  their  native  villages  to  seek  work  elsewhere. 
Another  edict  of  Justinus  was  of  a  much  more  question- 
able character.  By  a  law  published  on  September  14, 
566,  marriages  were  made  dissoluble  by  mutual  con- 
sent. When  the  fearfully  lax  state  of  the  morals  of  the 
Province  is  considered,  it  seems  that  this  edict  must 
have  had  a  most  serious  effect  upon  the  sanctity  of 
the  marriage  vow.  Yet  strangely  enough  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  episcopal  protests  against  the  new  law^ 
It  is,  however,  possible  that  a  protest  was  made  and 
that  all  mention  of  it  has  been  lost.  The  history  of 
the  African  province  for  the  last  two  centuries  before 
the  Saracen  conquest  has  to  be  compiled  from  records 

^  Justinian,  Cod.  xi.  tit.  47,  1.  24;  in  Morcelli,  s.a.  567. 
-  Cod.  de  til.  liberarum ;  in  Morcelli,  s.a.  568. 


190      THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

of  the  scantiest  description.  The  tide  of  Mohammedan 
invasion  swept  away  nearly  all  that  the  Moorish  raids 
had  left  and  the  greater  part  of  the  history  of  the  decline 
of  the  Roman  power  is  irrevocably  lost.  Still  the  little 
that  remains  makes  it  clear  that  year  by  year  the 
boundaries  of  the  Province  continued  to  shrink.  More 
and  more  of  Africa  lapsed  into  barbarism,  and  when 
civilization  drew  back  the  Church  could  no  longer 
retain  its  foothold. 

For  a  time,  indeed,  the  Roman  prefects  were  able 
to  keep  back  the  Moors,  but  the  weakness  of  the 
legions  forced  them  to  stoop  to  the  payment  of  tribute. 
An  annual  sum  had  to  be  given  to  Cutzinas,  the  chief 
of  a  great  Berber  confederation,  and  as  long  as  this 
blackmail  was  paid  the  province  enjoyed  peace.  But 
in  563,  with  the  most  foolish  treachery,  the  chief  was 
murdered  as  he  came  for  his  subsidy,  and  at  once  his 
followers  rose  in  revenge.  All  Africa  was  devastated, 
and  Marcian,  the  emperor's  nephew,  had  to  be  hastily 
sent  to  save  the  wretched  Province  I  For  a  time  he 
secured  peace,  but  from  568  to  570  the  Moors  were 
again  able  to  ravage  unchecked.  In  568,  they  slew  the 
Prefect  Theodore,  in  569,  Theoctistes,  the  Magister 
Militum,  and  in  570  his  successor  Amabilis^  Moreover, 
an  independent  kingdom,  under  Gasmulas,  flourished 
to  the  west  of  the  Roman  dominions. 

Africa  was  at  this  time  rescued  from  decay  by  the 
arrival  of  a  capable  general  and  the  publication  of  a 
wise  law.     Gennadius,  the  new  Magister  Militum,  slew 

1  Morcelli,  s.a.  566. 

"  Theophanes,  s.a.  555. 

3  John  Biclar.  Chron.,  s.a.  3,  4,  5;  Justin  II. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  191 

Gasmiilas  in  578,  and  drove  the  Moors  back  to  then- 
old  territories^ ;  while  at  the  same  time  the  gulf 
between  civilization  and  barbarism  was  partly  bridged 
over  by  an  Imperial  edict.  Justinus  had  decreed, 
as  has  already  been  said,  that  the  children  of  a 
free  woman,  by  a  servile  husband,  should  be  free  in 
condition  but  bound  to  their  native  villages,  and  now 
bishop  Publianus  of  Carthage,  induced  Tiberius  II. 
to  see  that  it  was  carried  out.  In  consequence, 
there  grew  up  within  the  provincial  borders  a  large 
population,  semi-Berber  in  blood,  who  formed  a  link 
between  the  civilized  Roman  of  the  towns  and  the 
wild  barbarians  of  the  hills.  Though  this  new  element 
was  not  calculated  to  permanently  strengthen  the  Pro- 
vince, it  staved  off  for  a  time  the  pressure  of  invasion, 
and  for  the  next  14  years  Africa  seems  to  have  been  at 
peace-. 

Of  course  all  this  anarchy,  it  has  been  our  painful 
task  to  relate,  wrought  harm  to  the  Church.  The  few 
records  that  are  left  speak  of  ruined  monasteries  and  im- 
poverished monks.  Religious  communities  were  broken 
up,  the  pursuit  of  learning  hindered,  and  a  life  of 
peaceful  devotion  made  an  impossibility.  In  such  cir- 
cumstances, the  exodus  from  Africa,  which  had  begun 
under  the  Vandals,  still  went  on.  Nunctus,  with  his 
whole  community,  crossed  to  Spain,  and  won  the  favour 
of  even  the  Arian  king,  Leovigild,  by  his  good  works, 
and  was  soon  followed  there  by  Donatus,  with  his 
seventy  monks'. 

Meanwhile,  the  authority  of  the  Church  steadily 

^  Ibid.,  s.a.  2;  Tiberius  II.  2  Morcelli,  s.a.  568. 

^  Morcelli,  s.a.  567,  569. 


192     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

increased,  while  the  number  of  its  members  as  steadily 
declined.  The  Primate  of  Byzacene  obtained  the  sole 
right  to  try  criminous  clerks,  and  was  promised  that  all 
his  petitions  should  be  considered  by  the  emperor  himself. 
Moreover,  no  clerk  was  to  sail  for  Constantinople  without 
the  permission  of  the  Primate  of  his  province  \  Too 
little  is  known  of  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  this  time 
to  invest  these  privileges  with  much  meaning,  though 
it  may  be  conjectured  that  they  point  to  some  internal 
troubles,  which  the  Primate  desired  to  allay  by  his  own 
methods.  In  the  same  way  it  is  only  possible  to  record 
the  following  events;  the  circumstances  which  gave 
them  life  have  been  completely  forgotten. 

About  566,  Primasius,  of  Carthage,  died  and  was 
succeeded  by  Publianus.  This  prelate  was  followed  by 
Dominicus,  whose  consecration  Morcelli  puts  in  584, 
but  on  purely  conjectural  grounds.  In  570,  a  Council 
Avas  held  at  Suffetula,  of  which  we  know  nothing,  save 
that  it  dealt  with  questions  of  discipline  ^. 

Once  again  for  a  few  years  it  is  possible  to  form 
some  idea  of  the  condition  of  the  African  Church. 
The  light  that  is  now  thrown  on  the  great  Province  is 
not,  it  is  true,  very  bright,  and  it  but  half  illumines 
much  that  is  most  interesting.  Moreover,  from  its  very 
nature  it  is  but  a  half  light  liable  to  distort  while 
it  illuminates.  Still  it  is  a  light,  and  in  the  utter 
darkness  that  threatens  to  engulf  the  Church  of 
Carthage  any  illumination,  however  imperfect,  is  of  the 
utmost  value.  The  correspondence  of  the  great  Pope 
Gregory  I.  contains  many  letters  on  the  ecclesiastical 

1  Morcelli,  s.a.  568. 

2  Diet.  Christian  Antiquities,  Art.  '  African  Councils.' 


FROM  JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  193 

affairs  of  Africa,  which  are  the  greatest  help  in  esti- 
mating the  state  of  the  Province.  They  must,  how- 
ever, be  read  with  caution  and  with  due  remembrance 
of  the  essential  conditions  of  a  Papal  correspondence. 

It  is  only  fair  to  keep  in  ujind  the  very  one-sided 
nature  of  any  communications  passing  between  the  Pope 
and  any  one  of  the  semi-independent  conjmunions 
under  his  charge.  In  the  ordinary  course  of  events, 
as  long  indeed  as  affairs  were  proceeding  with  custo- 
mary smoothness,  the  letters  between  the  Roman  and 
the  other  Churches  would  be  confined  to  the  courtesies 
and  formalities  of  everyday  life.  Only  when  there  was 
anything  that  called  for  reproof,  when  matters  needed 
the  strung  hand  of  correction  and  authority,  would  the 
Pope  be  called  to  interfere.  It  is  then  only  natural 
that  nearly  all  Gregory's  correspondence  with  Africa 
should  be  of  the  nature  of  reproofs.  All  commonplace 
virtue,  all  regular  daily  self-sacrifice  and  holiness  would 
call  forth  no  commendation  from  the  supreme  Pontiff. 
For  it  was  not  his  business  to  commend  that  which  he 
had  the  right  to  expect  to  be,  and  in  all  probability 
was,  the  regular  rule  of  existence  of  the  African  Church. 
To  reprove  when  there  was  need,  to  leave  praises  and 
reward  to  his  Master,  was  the  duty  of  the  Pope.  To 
infer  that  the  state  of  African  Christianity  was  wholly 
bad,  because  nearly  all  Gregory's  letters  deal  with 
grave  dangers  and  abuses,  would  be  as  unreasonable,  as 
it  would  be  to  judge  of  the  state  of  a  Church  by  a  few 
disciplinary  enactments.  It  is  far  more  important  to 
notice  the  confidence  with  which  the  distant  Pope  can 
appeal  to  the  organization  of  the  African  Church  to 
correct  those  abuses  which  demanded  his  care. 

H.  13 


194     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

There  was,  indeed,  great  need  of  external  authority 
to  criticize  the  African  Church  at  this  time.  Not 
only  was  there  a  dangerous  outburst  of  Donatism,  but 
the  morality  of  the  episcopate  and  clergy  left  much 
to  be  desired.  To  the  mind  of  the  great  ecclesiastical 
statesman  the  cause  of  these  evils  was  a  dangerous 
lack  of  discipline,  and  Gregory  attempted  to  reform 
the  internal  organization  of  the  Church  by  making  the 
Papal  authority  to  be  more  directly  felt. 

The  principal  crimes  attributed  to  the  African 
Church  were  simony  and  avarice.  Mere  boys  were 
admitted  to  the  lower  ranks  of  the  clergy,  and  bribes 
were  offered  to  procure  the  ordination  of  men  of  loose 
morals.  The  peculiar  diocesan  system  of  Africa  had 
been  always  liable  to  abuse,  and  once  more  complaints 
were  heard  of  the  encroachments  of  a  bishop  upon  the 
see  of  another.  In  Numidia,  Valentio  had  seized 
certain  parishes  belonging  to  Crisconius,  and  had 
refused  to  restore  them  for  fifteen  years*. 

In  all  this  Gregory  saw  the  need  of  a  stricter  dis- 
cipline. He  was  especially  suspicious  of  the  traditional 
mode  by  which  bishops  reached  the  Provincial  Primacy. 
It  seemed  to  his  practical  mind  absurd  to  entrust  the 
exacting  and  responsible  duties  of  an  archbishop  to 
whichever  prelate  happened  to  have  been  consecrated 
for  the  greatest  length  of  time.  Such  a  prelate  would 
almost  certainly  be  advanced  in  years ;  he  might  often 
hold  an  unimportant  or  inaccessible  see ;  and  mere 
seniority  was  no  guarantee  of  his  moral  or  intellectual 
fitness.  Gennadius,  the  Praetorian  Prefect,  was  there- 
fore asked  to  see  that  the  Primate  of  Numidia  should 
^  Gregory  I.,  Ep.  viii.  28. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  195 

be  selected  solely  according  to  the  requirements  of  the 
office.  An  archbishop  ought  to  be  distinguished  for 
personal  holiness  and  intellectual  force,  and  his  diocese 
ought  to  be  in  a  place  convenient  for  resisting  the 
])onatists.  Practical  as  this  advice  was,  it  found  small 
favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  Numidian  bishops ;  their 
conservative  instincts  rebelled  against  an  alteration 
of  an  immemorial  custom,  and  they  at  once  despatched 
a  vigorous  protest  to  Gregory.  The  Pope  yielded  to 
this  unanimous  expression  of  opinion  on  the  part  of  the 
local  Church.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  all  the  bishops 
of  the  Province  he  withdrew  his  opposition  to  all 
well-established  customs,  permitting  the  appointment 
of  the  Primates  and  all  other  matters  to  continue 
as  before,  as  long  as  it  was  clearly  understood  that 
no  Donatist  should  benefit  through  the  blind  working 
of  an  illogical  principled 

Foiled  in  his  attempt  to  reorganize  the  African 
Church  on  a  more  satisfactory  basis,  Gregory  did  his 
best  to  keep  it  in  order  by  the  despatch  of  confidential 
agents  and  the  cooperation  of  the  secular  officers.  In 
Gennadius,  the  Praetorian  Prefect,  and  Innocent,  his 
successor,  the  Pope  found  invaluable  assistants.  To 
the  former  he  expressed  his  desires  concerning  the 
appointment  of  primates,  and  commended  Hilar  us,  one 
of  his  deputies  - ;  he  was  moreover  invited  to  help  the 
Council  of  Numidia  to  suppress  heresy^,  and  took  some 
part  in  the  accusation  of  Bishop  Paullus^  Innocent 
had  been  the  friend  of  Gregory  before  he  went  to 
Carthage  and  joined  with  the  bishop  of  that  city  in 


1  Ep.  I.  74,  77. 

-  Ep.  I.  74. 

3  Ep.  IV.  7. 

•»  Ep.  VI.  63. 

13 

196     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

calling  the  attention  of  the  Pope  to  the  condition  of 
the  Sardinians  \ 

More  important,  however,  than  these  Roman  officials 
were  the  two  ecclesiastics,  who  acted  almost  as  though 
they  were  the  Papal  legates  in  Africa.  Hilarus  was 
sent  from  Italy  to  be  the  overseer  of  the  estates  or  patri- 
mony of  the  Church,  and  to  regulate  the  distribution 
of  alms  to  the  poorl  Columbus  was  a  bishop  of  Nu- 
midia,  who  seems  to  have  derived  his  importance  rather 
from  Gregory's  confidence  and  esteem  than  from  holding 
any  particular  official  position ;  it  may  well  be  that  the 
Pope  had  this  prelate  in  his  mind  when  he  attempted 
to  change  the  method  of  appointing  to  the  Primacy. 
These  two  men  were  in  truth  the  pillars  of  the  influence 
of  Rome  in  Africa.  Again  and  again  does  Gregory  refer 
difficult  questions  to  their  decision.  If  a  bishop  is  ac- 
cused of  heinous  crime,  if  there  is  a  suspicion  of  heresy, 
if  anyone  is  charged  with  simony,  these  men  are  bidden 
call  a  council  and  bring  the  matter  to  an  end.  Columbus 
especially  acted  as  the  papal  representative,  and  he 
was  associated  with  Victor,  Primate  of  Numidia,  in  the 
cases  of  Bishop  Paullus,  of  Bishop  Valentio  and  of 
Paullinus,  bishop  of  Tigisis.  He  was  asked,  too,  to 
take  the  initiative  in  settling  the  dispute  between 
Bishop  Victor  and  his  deacon  Donadeus,  and  he  was 
recommended  to  Adeodatus,  another  Primate  of  Nu- 
midia, as  an  adviser  whose  words  should  carry  as  much 
weight  as  those  of  the  Pope  himself  ^ 

Unfortunately  there  were  grave  objections  to  this 
method  of  exercising   control.     Carthage   had  always 

1  Ep.  X.  37—8.  2  Ep.  I.  75—6. 

3  Ep.  IV.  34—5;  viii.  28;  xii.  28—9;  xii.  8;  iii.  49. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  197 

been  jealous  of  the  interference  of  Rome,  and  in  the 
time  of  Aurelius  the  twentieth  synod  of  Carthage  had 
declared  that  the  Pope  had  no  jurisdiction  over  the 
African  Church  \  Since  then  circumstances  had  weak- 
ened its  independence.  The  long  years  of  bondage 
under  the  Vandals  had  both  disorganized  the  Church 
in  Africa,  and  had  prevented  it  from  finding  remedies 
for  the  needs  of  the  time.  The  help  of  Rome  was 
therefore  gladly  accepted  without  anv  constitutional 
questions  being  raised.  Leo  the  Great  addressed  a 
letter  of  reproof  to  the  bishops  of  Mauritania.  Felix, 
in  487  or  488,  assembled  a  synod  at  the  Lateran  about 
the  return  of  Catholics,  guilty  of  having  lapsed  into 
Arianism,  at  which  hardly  a  tenth  of  those  present 
had  come  from  Africa.  The  synod  of  Carthage,  in 
.■)35,  appealed  to  John  II.  upon  the  same  point.  But 
now  circumstances  w^ere  altered  and  the  African  epis- 
copate seemed  inclined  to  resist  outside  interference. 

Gregory's  criticism  of  the  appointment  of  primates 
had  already  caused  irritation,  casting,  as  it  did,  a  slur 
upon  the  zeal  and  organization  of  the  African  episcopate, 
and  this  irritation  was  still  further  increased  by  the 
means  adopted  by  the  Pope  to  ensure  good  govern- 
ment. It  cannot,  for  instance,  have  been  pleasant  for 
Adeodatus  to  be  advised  to  follow  the  counsel  of 
Columbus ;  and  no  doubt  the  other  bishops  looked 
askance  at  the  man  who  was  continually  called  upon 
to  hear  the  complaints  against  his  colleagues  ^ 

Gregory's  own  views  on  the  matter  are  clear  enough. 
As   the   successor   of    St   Peter,   he    thought   himself 

1  Hefele,  §  120—2—5,  vol.  ii.  p.  462,  etc. 

2  Gregory  I.,  Ep.  vii,  2. 


198     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

entitled  to  interfere  whenever  he  saw  the  necessity,  and 
to  hear  the  appeals  of  all  who  had  reasonable  grounds 
for  applying  to  him.  For  a  time  these  claims  bred 
some  ill-feeling  with  Dominions  of  Carthage;  but  peace 
was  soon  restored,  and  the  Pope  won  his  point.  Rome 
was,  he  asserted,  the  mother-church  of  Africa,  and  was 
therefore  entitled  to  the  utmost  respect  \  Columbus 
he  tried  to  comfort  for  his  unpopularity  by  urging  the 
duty  of  a  bishop  to  support  the  Papal  authority,  and 
by  claiming  that  no  man,  however  exalted,  can  escape 
the  strictures  of  Rome  if  he  breaks  the  laws  of  God 
and  His  Church  I 

To  maintain  a  position  like  this,  and  to  enforce  the 
right  of  intervention,  required  a  man  of  exceptional 
strength.  But  Gregory  was  exceptionally  strong,  and 
he  was  able  not  only  to  exercise,  but  even  to  increase 
the  power  of  the  Papal  See.  He  appears  to  have 
encouraged  and  welcomed  the  frequent  appeals  made 
to  Rome,  and  bade  Gennadius  to  take  care  that  any 
bishops  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  Numidian  Synod 
of  591  should  be  allowed  to  proceed  freely  to  Rome^ 
and  in  half-a-dozen  other  cases  matters  were  referred  to 
Gregory's  decision.  The  deacons  Vincentius  and  Feli- 
cissimus  accuse  Bishop  Argentius  of  Lamiga,  of  Dona- 
tism  and  simony*;  the  clergy  of  Pudentia  are  alarmed 
in  the  like  tendencies  in  Bishop  Maximianus^;  the 
priest  Adeodatus,  and  the  deacon  Donadeus,  declare 
themselves  wrongly  deprived  of  their  offices  ^ ;  all  alike 
carry  their  complaints  to  Gregory,  who  remits  their 

1  Ep.  VIII.  33. 

2  Ep.  VII.  2 ;  IX.  58—9.  ^  Ep.  i.  74.  ^  Ep.  i.  84. 
5  Ep.  II.  48.                                             6  Ep.  IV,  13 ;  xii.  8. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  199 

causes  to  his  agents,  Columbus  or  Hilarus,  for  investi- 
gation and  redress. 

The  most  interesting  of  all  these  appeals  is  that  of 
the  Abbat  Cumquodeus,  who  reported  a  complete  col- 
lapse of  monastic  discipline.  All  over  Africa  monks  were 
leaving  their  cells  and  wandering  through  the  country, 
regardless  of  their  vows  and  rules.  As  the  bishops, 
who  had  always  regarded  the  monasteries  with  jealousy, 
rather  aided  than  checked  this  laxity,  much  harm  was 
done  to  religion  and  good  order.  In  any  country  such 
a  state  of  affairs  must  have  caused  grave  scandal ;  but 
through  the  peculiarities  of  the  national  character  it 
was  especially  dangerous  in  Africa.  From  the  firet 
individuals  were  honoured  there  for  their  asceticism  and 
personal  piety  at  the  expense  of  the  authority  of  the 
entire  Church,  and  consequently  ambition  instead  of 
a  true  vocation  had  led  many  to  assume  the  monastic 
vows.  Some  through  an  evanescent  disgust  with  the 
things  of  this  world  had  forsworn  for  ever  not  only  its 
pleasures  but  its  duties ;  others  through  a  desire  for 
mere  temporal  advantages  had  entered  the  cloister; 
and  it  was  these  who  now  seized  the  opportunity  to 
desert  their  monasteries  and  wander  about  the  Province. 
Too  frequently  the  monastic  garb  was  assumed  as  a 
cloak  for  secret  vice,  and  the  liberty  of  the  saints  claimed 
as  an  excuse  for  a  licentious  life.  The  danger  was  at 
once  appreciated  by  Gregory,  and  he  urged  Dominicus 
of  Carthage  to  save  such  an  important  part  of  the 
Church's  system  from  the  discredit  which  had  fallen 
upon  it^ 

1  Ep.  VII.  85. 


200    THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

'  The  circumstances  of  the  time  made  it  most  neces- 
sary to  check  any  outburst  of  popular  fanaticism.  In 
the  western  and  less  civilized  districts  of  Africa  Dona- 
tism  had  reappeared.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been 
heard  of  it  from  the  invasion  of  the  Vandals  till  the 
days  of  Gregory,  and  there  is  some  difficulty  in  explain- 
ing its  sudden  activity  after  a  slumber  of  a  hundred 
and  seventy  years.  Evidently  the  measures  of  St 
Augustine  had  not  done  more  than  break  the  power 
of  the  schism  in  Proconsularis  and  Byzacene,  for  the 
storm  of  the  Vandal  invasion  bad  burst  on  the  Province 
before  he  could  drive  it  out  from  all  Africa.  It  has  been 
shewn  that  there  is  some  reason  to  suppose  that  Dona- 
tism  appealed  more  to  the  Libyan  than  the  Roman 
population,  and  it  is  probable  that  when  the  schismatics 
of  the  plains  were  coerced  or  induced  to  return  to  the 
Catholic  fold,  the  less  civilized  members  of  the  sect  had 
retreated  to  the  inaccessible  mountain  ranges  of  Numi- 
dia  and  Mauritania.  Here,  out  of  reach  of  either  the 
Arian  invaders  or  the  restored  Catholics,  they  had 
lingered  for  nearly  two  hundred  years,  maintaining 
their  own  orders,  and  professing  their  peculiar  tenets. 
In  their  increased  strength  at  the  close  of  the  sixth 
century  may  perhaps  be  seen  a  sign  of  the  growing 
feebleness  of  the  Roman  hold  uj)on  the  interior  of  the 
Province.  As  the  Imperial  influence  diminished,  that 
of  the  Moors  increased,  until  at  length  the  form  -of 
faith  which  appealed  most  to  the  Libyan  mind  began 
to  undermine  the  power  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

For,  as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the  letters^  of 

^  The  letters  of  Gregory  dealing  with  Donatism  are :  i.  74,  77,  84 ; 
11.  48,  37;  IV.  7,  34—5;  v.  5;  vi.  37,  63—5;  vii.  2. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  201 

Gregory,  the  impulse  towards  Doiiatism  came   rather 
from  the  laity  than  the  clergy.     The   schism   in   the 
beginning  had  arisen  on  a  question  of  the  ordination 
of  bishops ;  now  it  is  revived  by  the  forcing  or  bribing 
of  the  Numidian  and  Mauritanian  prelates  to  ordain 
clergy,  acceptable  to  the  people.     The  movement  was 
a  popular  one  and  the   ecclesiastical   authorities  were 
unable    or   unwilling   to    resist    it.      As    it    gathered 
strength,    it    increased   in    violence,    and    in   spite   of 
their   proscription   by   the  laws  of   both  Church  and 
State,  the  Donatists  steadily  drove  out  the  Catholics. 
Bishops  were  bribed  to  consecrate  schismatics ;  ortho- 
dox clergy  were  expelled  from  their  cures ;  rebaptism 
became  a  common  practice,  and   even  men,  who  had 
taken  the  vows  of  religion,  allowed  their  sons,  their 
slaves  and  dependents  to  be  contaminated  by  a  repe- 
tition of  this  sacrament.     Argentius,  bishop  of  Lamiga^ 
and  Maximianus  of  Pudentia^  were  accused  of  accepting 
bribes  in  favour  of  the  Donatist  clergy.    Bishop  Paullus '' 
was  said  to  be  slack  in  opposing  the  schismatics,  and 
even  the  secular  governors  Gennadius  and  Pantaleon ' 
were  suspected  of  feeling  no  great  desire  to  see  them 

crushed  out. 

In  truth,  Numidia  and  Mauritania  seemed  to  be 
slipping  from  the  grasp  of  the  Catholics.  Far  away 
from  Carthage  and  with  a  Libyan  population,  there  was 
real  fear  that  they  would  follow  their  own  course,  and 
perhaps  desert  the  doctrines  as  they  had  the  practice  of 
the  main  body  of  the  Church.  The  brighter  services 
of  the  Donatists'  and  their  excessive  veneration  for 
lEp.  I.  84.  2Ep.  II.  48.  3  Ep.  VI.  63— 5;  VII.  2. 

^  Ep.  IV.  34—5.  '  Ep.  I.  119. 


202     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

personal  piety  powerfully  attracted  the  half-civilised 
mountaineers  of  the  borders.  Moreover,  there  was  little 
to  check  them,  and  their  changed  attitude  towards  the 
Catholics  made  them  the  more  dangerous  foes.  In  the 
fourth  and  fifth  centuries  the  Donatists  had  set  up 
a  distinct  organization,  and  Donatist  and  Catholic 
bishops  existed  side  by  side  in  the  same  city.  In  the 
sixth  century  the  Donatists  remained  in  the  Church, 
and  tried  to  mould  the  existing  machinery  to  their 
own  pattern.  Where  once  they  would  have  formed 
a  separate  body,  they  were  now  content  to  be  a  party, 
and  unfortunately  they  were  the  party  which  possessed 
the  popular  support. 

Gregory  hardly  knew  where  to  look  for  help.  The 
danger  was,  it  is  true,  confined  to  the  west,  but  the 
very  freedom  of  Proconsularis  and  Byzacene  from  con- 
tamination had  perils  of  its  own.  Dominicus,  of 
Carthage,  was  inclined  to  too  vigorous  measures.  At 
a  synod,  held  in  594  \  the  council  of  Proconsularis 
declared  that  all  who  were  lukewarm  in  resisting  the 
schism  must  lose  their  goods  and  their  offices,  and 
even  included  bishops  in  their  decree.  Gregory  was 
alarmed  at  this  severity,  and  felt  that  it  was  unjust 
and  impolitic.  The  other  Primates  would  think  a  slur 
was  cast  on  their  zeal  and  might  be  inclined  to  resent 
the  attitude  of  Proconsularis,  and  thus  the  decree  might 
do  more  to  i3erj)etuate  than  to  abate  the  schism. 

But,  if  the  eastern  prelates  were  too  eager,  the 
western  were  too  slack.  The  Council  of  Numidia  was 
not  to  be  trusted.  Bitter  quarrels  divided  it,  and  its 
decisions  on  many  points  were  contrary  to  the  canons 

1  Ep.  V.  5. 


FROM  JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  203 

of  the  Church  and  the  traditions  of  the  Fathers\  It 
was,  moreover,  with  the  best  intentions  hard  to  get  to 
the  truth  of  the  business.  If  PaiiUus  was  accused  of 
Donatisni,  he  replied  it  was  because  of  his  zeal  for  the 
Church.  If  Gennadius  accused  Paullus,  it  was  said 
that  he  did  it  to  shield  himself  On  all  sides  were 
recriminations,  and  it  was  clear  that  the  Church  was 
full  of  internal  divisions.  In  this  crisis  Gregory  could 
rely  on  Columbus  alone,  and  it  was  to  him  that  he 
always  turned.  He  urged  him  again  and  again  to 
make  vigorous  enquiries,  and  he  bade  him  resist  the  evil 
with  all  his  might,  while  it  was  yet  small  and  could  be 
comparatively  easily  put  down. 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  how  far  the  efforts  of 
Gregory  and  Columbus  met  with  success.  It  is  most 
unlikely  that  they  really  crushed  the  Donatists,  but 
they  perhaps  checked  them  for  the  time.  The  Pope's 
later  letters  contain  no  reference  to  them  at  all,  and  no 
more  is  heard  of  them  in  Africa;  but  when  more  than  a 
century  later  the  Saracens  drove  the  Christians  of  the 
Province  to  seek  refuge  in  Europe,  Gregory  II.  had  to 
warn  the  bishops  of  Germany  against  African  fugitives, 
tainted  with  Donatism  and  Manichaeism-.  It  is  probable 
then  that  the  schismatics  still  lingered  on  in  their  moun- 
tain homes,  and  while  Proconsularis  and  Byzacene,  and 
even  the  more  fertile  parts  of  Numidia,  were  altogether 
Catholic,  in  the  frontier  districts  Donatism  only  dis- 
appeared with  African  Christianity  itself 

From  other  ecclesiastical  troubles  Africa  seems  to 
have  been  almost  free.     Morcelli,  indeed,  supposes  that 
the   Arians,   expelled    from    Spain    by   the    edicts   of 
^  Gregory  I.,  Ep.  iv.  7.  ^  Gregory  IL,  Ep.  124. 


204     THE   CHEISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

Reccaredus,  came  to  Africa^;  but  of  this  there  is  no 
evidence,  and  the  difficulties  of  the  land  journey  from 
Tingitana  to  Carthage  would  counteract  the  actual 
geographical  nearness  of  the  Province  to  Spain.  On 
the  other  hand,  Gregory's  letter  to  John  of  Scyllace 
shews  that  Manichaeism  still  lurked  in  Africa^,  and 
a  scandal  connected  with  the  Primate  Crementius,  of 
which  no  details  are  extant,  threatened  a  schism  in 
Byzacene^  Still,  with  the  exception  of  Numidia  and 
Mauritania,  ecclesiastical  Africa  seems  to  have  been  in 
a  flourishing  condition  in  the  days  of  Gregory  the 
Great.  The  Church  indeed,  was  even  able  to  extend  her 
boundaries ;  for  Gennadius,  when  he  conquered  a  Berber 
tribe,  did  his  best  to  convert  it  as  well.  He  also  shewed 
his  interest  in  the  Church  by  trying  to  repopulate  some 
of  its  lands,  which  had  suffered  through  the  raids  of 
the  Moors  ^ 

For,  whatever  might  be  the  ecclesiastical  condition 
of  the  Province,  its  political  state  was  growing  steadily 
worse.  In  593,  the  Moors  once  more  devastated  all 
Proconsularis.  They  drove  Gennadius  into  Carthage 
and  forced  him  to  promise  all  the  gold  of  the  city  as 
a  ransom.  They  celebrated  their  victory  by  a  feast, 
thus  giving  the  Romans  their  opportunity.  As  they 
lay,  overcome  with  wine  and  sleep,  the  garrison 
opened  the  gates  by  night,  sallied  forth,  and  inflicted 
enormous  loss  upon  the  besieging  forced  Though  the 
Province  was  thus  for  a  time  secure  from  the  Moors,  it 
had  now  to  meet  with  a  more  terrible  and  resistless  foe. 

1  Morcelli,  s.a.  589.  2  Ep.  n.  37. 

3  Epp.  IX.  58—9;  xii.  32.  4  Ep.  i.  75. 

5  Morcelli,  s.a.  593. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN    TO    THE    SARACENS.  205 

In  599  and  600  the  whole  western  world  was  visited 
by  a  fearful  pestilence,  and  Africa  had  to  bear  its  full 
share  of  the  calamity \  Moreover,  to  the  horrors  of 
war  and  pestilence,  the  horrors  of  misgovernment 
were  added.  In  many  places  the  Roman  officials, 
protected  by  unjust  judges,  were  guilty  of  the  gi-eatest 
violence  and  in  particular  aroused  the  anger  of  Gregory 
by  extorting  the  tribute  twice  from  the  heavily  taxed 
peopled 

Dark  though  the  condition  of  Africa  was,  it  would 
be  wrong  to  suppose  that  at  this  time  it  was  worse 
off  than  the  rest  of  the  remains  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  All  through  the  civilized  world  horrors 
had  become  the  commonplaces  of  life.  Misgovern- 
ment and  barbarian  invasions,  wars,  pestilence  and 
famine  united  to  make  this  epoch  one  of  the  most 
miserable  in  human  history.  To  the  eyes  of  contem- 
poraries the  Province  of  Africa  appeared  one  of  the 
most  fixvoured  districts  of  the  earth,  and,  in  truth, 
it  really  played  no  unimportant  part  in  the  seventh 
century. 

In  600,  the  Emperor  Maurice  called  upon  Africa  for 
help  for  Italy  against  the  Lombards  with  a  fleets  In 
609,  Heraclius,  the  Prefect  of  the  Province,  rose  against 
Phocas  the  usurper,  and  at  the  earnest  request  of  the 
Senate  seized  the  throne  of  Constantinople  in  his 
stead  ^  But  the  Persians  were  now  attacking  the 
Imperial  city  and  had  even  advanced  to  within  sight 

1  Gregory  L,  Ep.  ix.  123  ;  x.  63.  -  Ep.  xi.  5. 

3  Morcelli,  s.a.  GOO. 

^  Theophanes,  s.a.  600 — 1 ;  Nicephorus  in  Brev.  iuit. ;  Zouares, 
Ajin.  XIV,  14. 


206     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

of  its  walls.  Heraclius  looked  round  for  a  refuge,  and 
none  seemed  to  him  so  safe  as  the  province  over  which 
he  had  ruled.  Outwardly,  at  least,  it  appeared  to 
flourish  and  its  desert  frontiers  promised  to  protect  it 
from  all  attack  from  the  east.  Heraclius  therefore 
decided  to  remove  his  seat  of  government  to  Carthage 
and  was  only  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  force  of 
circumstances.  Twice  he  tried  to  go,  and  once  he  had 
even  embarked  his  regalia;  but  the  entreaties,  and 
perhaps  the  threats  of  the  people  of  Constantinople 
compelled  him  to  abandon  his  scheme  \  At  this  time 
in  fact  Africa,  reduced  as  it  was  in  size,  exposed  to 
barbarian  raids,  subject  to  terrible  pestilences,  was  the 
safest  part  of  the  Roman  Empire.  In  619,  it  was  the 
only  province  not  overrun  by  barbarian  hordes  \ 

One  more  glimpse  of  the  African  Church  is  vouch- 
safed to  us  before  its  records  close  for  ever.  Already 
the  list  of  the  bishops  of  Carthage  has  failed.  It  is 
not  likely  that  Dominicus  long  outlived  Gregory,  but 
the  date  of  his  death  is  unknown,  and  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  other  Primates  until  the  rise  of  Mono- 
thelitism.  The  history  of  this  heresy  shews  that,  in 
639,  a  certain  Fortunatus  was  bishop  of  Carthage,  and 
that  he  was  succeeded  by  Victor,  on  16th  July,  646. 

The  attitude  of  Africa  towards  the  Monothelites^ 
proves  that  the  Church  maintained  her  organization, 
and  could  act  with  vigour  until  a  very  few  years  before 

1  Morcelli,   s.a.   615,    617 ;    Nicephorus   Cbion.    Brev.   s.a.   617 : 
Chron.  Paschale,  s.a.  645. 

2  Morcelli,  s.a.  619. 

2  For    attitude    of    Africa    towards   Mouothelitism,   see    Hefele, 
§§  303—4 ;   Tbeophanes,  s.a.  621. 


FROM  JUSTINIAN  TO  THE  SARACENS.      207 

its  end  finally  came.  The  celebrated  Ecthesis  of  the 
Patriarch  Sergius  was  published  in  639,  and  despatched 
to  all  the  Churches.  From  the  very  first  Africa  repu- 
diated the  heresy,  for  as  the  Prefect  Gregory  was 
shewing  the  Monothelite  manifesto  to  Fortunatus  of 
Carthage  and  the  other  bishops,  Maximus,  abbat  of 
Chrysopolis,  arrived  and  warned  them  against  the 
doctrines  therein  enunciated.  His  efforts  were  success- 
ful, and  none  of  the  African  prelates  were  convinced  by 
the  Ecthesis  with  one  notable  exception;  Fortunatus 
himself  accepted  the  new  teaching  and  declared  him- 
self a  Monothelite ^  His  influence  prevented  Procon- 
sularis  from  taking  any  steps  against  the  heresy;  but  in 
all  the  other  provinces  the  Church  formally  repudiated 
the  false  doctrines.  Columbus,  Primate  of  Ximiidia, 
Stephen  of  Byzacene,  and  Reparatus  of  Mauritania 
called  together  their  synods  and  condemned  the  Ecthe- 
sis and  its  supporters ;  and  a  common  letter  was  drawn 
up  and  sent  to  Paul  of  Constantinople,  expressing  the 
detestation  in  which  the  African  Churches  held  the 
heresy.  It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  this  letter  was 
not  sent  direct,  because  "Africa  had  been  brought  into 
a  certain  suspicion  at  Constantinople  by  certain  ma- 
levolent people,"  and  that  it  expressed  submission  to 
the  Papal  See. 

Stephen  of  Byzacene  also  wrote  to  the  Emperor 
Constans  II.  in  the  name  ofcuncti  Africae  sacenlotes' 
urging  him  on  to  stronger  measures  against  the  heretics, 
and  a  second  letter  to  Paul  of  Constantinople  set  forth 
the   surprise  of  the   Churches   that   he  had   not   yet 

^  Morcelli,  s.a.  G39. 


208     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

annulled  the  Ecthesis,  and  declared  the  orthodoxy  of 
Africa. 

Meanwhile  the  heresiarch  Pyrrhus  visited  Africa 
and  tried  to  make  converts  there \  He  was  confronted 
by  the  Abbat  Maximus  and  met  with  no  success. 
A  public  disputation  between  the  two  champions 
was  held  before  the  Prefect  Gregory,  probably  in 
the  year  645.  The  Monothelites  were  completely 
defeated,  and  forced  to  confess  their  errors  ;  conqueror 
and  conquered  went  to  Rome,  where  Pyrrhus  made  a 
public  recantation,  only  to  return  in  a  few  weeks  to 
his  errors-. 

Once  more  the  provincial  synods  anathematized 
Monothelitism,  with  the  exception  of  Proconsularis, 
where  Fortunatus  was  still  Primate.  Even  here  the 
Church  was  orthodox,  and  Gulosus,  bishop  of  Pupit,  on 
his  own  responsibility  summoned  a  convention  of  his 
sixty-seven  colleagues  to  join  the  other  provinces  in  their 
condemnation  of  heresy.  However,  the  days  of  Fortu- 
natus were  numbered ;  on  July  16,  646,  he  was  deposed, 
and  Victor  was  consecrated  to  the  see  of  Carthage  in 
his  placed  The  new  Primate  wrote  to  the  emperor 
Theodore  I.  to  vindicate  his  own  orthodoxy  and  to  urge 
the  adoption  of  vigorous  measures  against  the  heretics. 
Whatever  the  cloud  between  Constantinople  and  Car- 
thage was,  it  had  not  yet  been  dissipated  ;  Victor  gives 
it  as  his  reason  for  not  writing  directly  to  the  Patriarch 
and  asks  that  his  letter  may  be  forwarded  through  the 
Papal  responsarii. 

1  Morcelli,  s.a.  642.  2  Morcelli,  s.a.  645. 

3  Morcelli,  s.a.  646. 


FROM   JUSTINIAN   TO   THE   SARACENS.  209 

So  ends  all  that  we  know  of  the  assault  of  Mono- 
thelitism  upon  Africa.  It  clearly  was  not  successful, 
but  whether  it  gained  a  foothold  at  all,  whether  any 
besides  Fortunatus  were  deceived  by  it,  how  far  the 
orthodox  bishops  were  able  to  stamp  it  out,  there 
is  nothing  to  shew.  But  it  is  plain  that  the  heart 
of  African  Christianity  is  still  sound.  The  organi- 
zation is  still  complete  and  can  even  bear  an  unusual 
strain.  The  convention  under  Gulosus  was  no  doubt 
unconstitutional  but  very  necessary,  and  the  deposition 
of  the  Primate  was  an  act  requiring  both  courage  and 
unanimity.  As  far  as  can  now  be  seen,  the  career  of 
Monothelitism  in  Africa  betrayed  no  weakness  in  the 
armour  of  the  Church. 

With  the  consecration  of  Victor  the  ecclesiastical 
history  of  the  Province  practically  closes.  Two  more 
facts  can  indeed  be  gleaned,  but  they  are  isolated  and 
unimportant.  At  a  council  against  the  Monothelites 
held  at  the  Lateran  in  648,  one  African  bishop,  Victori- 
anus  of  Uzalis  in  Proconsularis,  was  present  \  A  letter 
of  Pope  Martin  I.  in  650,  addressed  "  Electa  spirituali 
consensu  Catholicae  Carthaginiensimn  Ecclesiae,"  etc., 
seems  to  shew  that  Victor  was  dead,  and  his  successor 
not  yet  appointed^ 

From  this  time  onwards  until  the  Saracen  conquest 
was  complete,  the  records  of  the  Church  in  Africa  are 
a  blank.  It  has  been  said  that  the  fate  of  Monotheli- 
tism in  the  Province  is  uncertain ;  and  there  is  nothing 
to  tell  of  the  future  of  the  Donatists  or  the  state  of  the 
monks.     For  fifty  years   before   the   foil    of  Carthage 

1  Morcelli,  s.a.  648.  ^  Morcelli,  s.a.  650. 

H.  1* 


210     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES  IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

unfathomable  darkness  overspreads  the  church  life  of 
Africa,  and  the  ecclesiastical  historian  can  only  try  to 
piece  together  from  the  scanty  secular  history  of  the 
times  the  probable  fate  that  befell  the  Church  during 
the  miseries  of  the  Saracen  conquest. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  end  of  African  Christianity. 

The  stand  of  the  African  Church  against  the  Mono- 
thelites  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  last  thing  we 
know  about  its  history.  It  is  true  that  the  Church 
as  an  organization  existed  for  another  century,  and 
that  for  nearly  nine  hundred  years  after  the  Saracen 
conquest  there  were  still  Christians  in  Africa,  who 
professed  to  represent  the  Church  of  St  Cyprian  and 
St  Augustine,  but  for  all  that  hardly  anything  is  now 
known  of  these  last  thousand  years,  and  it  is  plain  that, 
though  the  Church  of  Carthage  was  not  dead,  it  was 
no  longer  able  to  take  an  active  share  in  the  life  of 
Western  Christendom,  or  to  extend  its  influence  in 
its  own  country.  In  f^ict  from  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  century  the  African  Churches  were  in  a  mori- 
bund condition,  and  though  they  managed  to  cling  to 
life  until  nearly  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  it 
was  with  so  feeble  a  hold  that  from  the  foil  of  Carthage, 
in  698,  no  one  would  have  reckoned  them  amongst  the 
number  of  living  communions. 

Still  the   story  of  these   last   centuries  would   be 
most  interesting,  and  an  account  of  the  failure  of  the 

14—2 


212     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

ecclesiastical  organization,  and  an  explanation  of  the 
marvellous  vitality  of  the  Faith,  would  be  of  the 
utmost  importance,  if  it  were  possible  to  supply  them. 
Nothing  is  known  of  the  fortunes  of  the  Church 
during  the  Saracen  conquest,  and  the  glimpses  we 
get  of  the  African  Christians  afterwards  are  sufficient 
only  to  record,  not  to  exjDlain  their  survival.  The 
ecclesiastical  historian  can  indeed  merely  examine  the 
secular  events  of  the  Mohammedan  invasion,  and  try 
to  see  how  they  influenced  the  Church,  and  then  rest 
content  with  collecting  the  isolated  facts  that  tell  of 
the  struggling  existence  of  Christianity  under  Moslem 
rule. 

In  646  the  Roman  power  in  Africa  entered  upon 
the  last  stage  of  its  history.  The  Province,  once  the 
fairest  and  most  fertile  of  all  the  imperial  dominions, 
was  for  more  than  half  a  century  to  be  given  up  to 
every  form  of  misery  and  desolation,  and  then  to  pass 
away  from  the  influence  of  Christianity  and  civilization 
into  a  bondage  from  which  it  is  even  now  not  entirely 
freed.  The  story  of  these  dismal  fifty  years  opens  appro- 
priately with  the  treachery  of  the  governor  of  Africa. 
For  some  time  the  Prefect  Gregory  had  been  planning 
a  revolt  against  the  Emperor  Constans  II.;  but  per- 
haps dread  of  the  Saracens,  who  had  conquered  Alex- 
andria in  641,  made  him  pause  before  cutting  himself 
off  from  his  most  powerful  protector.  However,  in 
646  the  standard  of  rebellion  was  raised,  and  Gregory 
declared  himself  the  independent  ruler  of  Africa \ 

Little  is  known  of  the  nature  of  this  revolt. 
Carthage  was,  indeed,  still  held  for  the  emperors  by 
1  Theophanes,  s.a.  638. 


THE    END   OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  213 

a  small  number  of  Christians,  and  the  usurper  esta- 
blished his  power  at  Suffetula  in  Byzacene,  or,  as  it  is 
called  by  the  Arabian  historians,  Sbeitla.  The  choice 
of  an  inland  capital  and  the  large  number  of  his  forces 
seem  to  shew  that  Gregory  had  succeeded  in  gaining 
the  support  of  the  Berber  tribes  against  the  imperial 
power.  The  Saracens,  indeed,  assert  that  his  authority 
extended  from  Tangiers  to  Tripoli ;  but  no  doubt  this 
is  an  exaggeration,  caused  by  ignorance  of  the  facts  and 
desire  to  magnify  a  defeated  enemy \ 

The  usurper  had  not  long  to  enjoy  his  ill-gotten 
power.  Even  before  he  revolted  the  Mohammedans 
had  begun  to  attack  Africa,  and  the  first  expedition 
was  quickly  followed  by  others.  In  642  Amrou-ben- 
el-Assi  had  plundered  Fezzan  and  Tripoli^,  and  five 
years  later  a  second  raid  was  made.  The  Caliph 
Othman-ben-Offan  despatched  Abd-Allah-ben-Abou- 
Sark  with  nearly  12,000  troops^  against  Sbeitla.  Gregory  ^H  7 
raised  an  equal  force,  and  met  the  invaders  at  Acouba. 
For  several  days  a  fierce  contest  raged  without  either 
side  gaining  any  advantage,  but  at  length  reinforce- 
ments under  Abd-Allah-ben-Zobeir  arrived  for  the 
Saracens,  and  the  Christians,  worn  out  by  continuous 
fighting,  were  routed  in  all  directions.  Gregory  himself 
was  slain,  and  Africa  was  left  defenceless  before  the  in- 
vaders ^. 

1  Ibn  Khaldoun  (Slane's  transl.),  i.  208—9;  En  Noweiri,  i.  317; 
El  K'Airouani,  p.  3D,  etc.,  El  Hakem. 

-  Ibn  Khaldoun,  i.  302 ;  En  Noweiri,  i.  313  ;  El  K'Airouani,  30, 
etc. 

^  En  Noweiri  (i.  314 — 5)  gives  the  Saracen  forces  as  only  20,000; 
but  this  is  very  unlikely. 

■*  Theophanes,  s.a.  039. 


214     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

In  spite  of  this  signal  victory  the  Mohammedans 
did  not  yet  think  of  making  a  permanent  conquest. 
Satisfied  with  the  great  booty  which  they  had  found 
at  Sbeitla,  after  pushing  their  ravages  as  far  as  Gaf^a 
and  Mermadjenna,  that  is  to  say  through  all  Byzacene 
and  some  part  of  Numidia,  they  consented  to  be  bought 
off  for  300  kintars  of  gold.  For  fourteen  months,  how- 
ever, they  remained  in  Africa,  and  the  Province  lay 
helpless  before  them ;  they  imposed  an  annual  tribute, 
which  Habakia  was  left  behind  to  collect,  but  with 
neither  arms  nor  authority  to  enforce  \ 

Meanwhile  the  Emperor  Constans  II.  looked  on 
with  short-sighted  indifference.  Was  not  Gregory  a 
rebel?  Had  not  Africa  revolted?  What  did  the  suffer- 
ings of  provincials  matter  to  him  as  long  as  they  paid 
their  regular  tribute  ?  So  an  imperial  agent  Aulima 
was  despatched,  and  the  miserable  Africans  were  ex- 
pected to  contribute  to  the  treasuries  of  both  Greeks 
and  Saracens.  However,  Habakia,  seeing  his  own 
gains  endangered,  drove  this  new  governor  out,  and 
allowed  the  Greeks  to  choose  Eleutherion  as  an  in- 
dependent ruler  for  themselves  ^ 

For  the  next  twenty  years  Africa  enjoyed  rest 
from  Saracen  invasions,  as  the  domestic  politics  of  the 
Mohammedans  occupied  all  their  attention,  and  they 
had  no  time  to  enlarge  their  conquests,  until  the 
assassination  of  Ali  in  661  decided  the  quarrels  of 
the  Kharedjites  and  the  Koreishites  in  favour  of  the 
former.  Most  unfortunately  for  the  Africans  victory 
inclined  to  the  more  fanatical  party,  in  whose  eyes  the 

1  Ibn  Khaldoun,  i.  110,  ii.  225 ;  En  Noweiri,  i.  314,  324. 

2  En  Noweiri,  p.  324. 


THE   END   OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  215 

extension  of  the  dominions  of  Islam  was  an  act  of  the 
greatest  piety ^  Perhaps  even  now  the  Province,  de- 
fended as  it  was  by  the  frontier  deserts,  might  have 
successfully  resisted  invaders,  if  only  the  needs  of  the 
time  had  been  recognized.  But  no  necessity  could 
force  the  Africans  into  union ;  the  twenty  years  of 
respite  were  wasted,  and,  when  the  storm  broke  again, 
Christians  and  heathen,  Greeks  and  Moors,  were  as 
much  divided  as  they  had  ever  been. 

The  advance  of  the  Saracens  was  resumed  in  6G1. 
Benzert,  the  ancient  Hippo  Diarrhytus,  was  ravaged  by 
their  fleet  under  Moavuiah-ibn-Hodaidj.  Another  raid 
in  663  swept  over  Tripoli.  A  third  reached  the  heart 
of  Byzacene  and  captured  Djeloula,  the  ancient  '  oppi- 
dum  Usaletaneum,'  the  miserable  inhabitants  of  which 
were  butchered  or  enslaved.  At  length  the  Emperor 
Constans  II.  was  roused  to  take  some  feeble  stejDs  to 
save  the  wretched  province,  and  by  his  orders  a  small 
fleet  under  Nicephorus  sailed  to  Sou^a  and  landed 
a  few  troops.  However,  as  soon  as  the  advance  of  the 
Saracens  was  announced,  panic  seized  upon  them  and 
they  fled  in  confusion  to  their  ships  at  the  first  brush 
with  the  invaders.  Finally  a  fourth  expedition  in  668 
under  Rouai'fi  pillaged  all  the  sea-coast  of  Tripoli  and 
captured  the  island  of  Djerba  (Girba)-. 

The  time  had  now  come  for  a  serious  attempt  to 
conquer  and  occupy  the  Province.  Henceforward  the 
Saracens  were  no  longer  content  with  marauding  raids, 
but  set  themselves  to  form  regular  settlements  in  the 
rich    plains    of    Africa.     In    669    Okba-ben-Nafe   was 

^  Mercier,  Hist,  de  VAfrique,  Bk.  ii.  ii.  6 — 8. 
-  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  9 — 10. 


216     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

nominated  Governor  of  Africa  and  despatched  with 
10,000  Mussulmans  and  some  converted  Berbers  to 
establish  himself  in  Byzacene.  The  Djerba,  or  the 
southern  frontier  districts  of  the  Province,  were  again 
overrun,  Gafga  and  other  towns  were  taken,  and  the 
Christians  treated  with  the  utmost  barbarity.  But  the 
most  important  achievement  of  this  expedition  was  the 
building  of  a  town,  called  Kairouan,  right  in  the  heart 
of  Byzacene.  Such  an  outpost  as  this  gave  the  Saracens 
an  excellent  base  from  which  to  push  forward  future 
invasions,  and  served  to  overawe  the  inhabitants  and 
prevent  the  Mohammedan  Berbers  from  reverting  to 
their  former  religions. 

Okba  was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his 
victory,  for  the  new  governor  of  Egypt,  who  had  a  kind 
of  suzerainty  over  the  Saracens  in  Africa,  sent  in 
A.D.  672  Abou-el-Mohadjir  to  supersede  him.  The 
new  general  shewed  his  childish  petulance  in  objecting 
to  his  predecessor  having  the  honour  and  glory  of 
founding  Kairouan,  and  actually  pulled  it  down  and 
erected  another  town,  a  few  miles  distant  from  the 
old  site.  The  Moors  under  their  chief  Ko9eila  de- 
termined to  test  whether  the  new  governor  was  able 
to  hold  his  own,  and  rose  against  him,  but  were  how- 
ever defeated  at  Tlem^en  and  were  forced  to  profess 
Mohammedanism.  This  trouble  disposed  of,  El  Mo- 
hadjir  turned  his  arms  against  the  Christians  of  the 
north-east,  and  captured  the  peninsula  of  Cherik  (Cape 
Bon).  From  thence  he  marched  to  attack  Carthage 
itself,  but  met  with  a  vigorous  resistance.  A  fierce 
battle  raged  all  day,  and  at  nightfall  the  Saracens 
drew  off  and  encamped  on  a  mountain  in  the  south  of 


THE    END    OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  217 

Tunis.  The  attack  was  not  renewed,  a  treaty  was 
made,  and  for  a  time  the  Christians  had  peace \ 

What  w^as  now  the  position  of  the  wretched  pro- 
vince ?  Already  it  seems  that  the  power  of  Rome  had 
passed  away,  and  in  less  than  thirty  years  from  the 
first  onslaught  upon  the  outskirts  of  Africa  the  Sara- 
cens had  overrun  all  its  most  fertile  parts.  Already 
the  Christians  seemed  no  longer  formidable,  though 
still  perchance  strong  enough  to  defend  themselves, 
and  the  invaders  decided  to  leave  them  alone  until  the 
situation  demanded  their  overthrow.  The  weakness  of 
the  Christians  was  shewn  alike  in  their  impotence  to 
even  threaten  the  foundation  of  Kairouan,  or  to  make 
a  defensive  alliance  with  the  Moors ;  and  the  Saracens 
shewed  their  contempt  by  leaving  them  on  their  flank 
while  they  pressed  forw^ard  into  the  heart  of  the 
province. 

Meanwhile  as  the  power  of  the  Cross  grew  less, 
that  of  the  Crescent  rapidly  increased.  In  Kairouan 
the  Mohammedans  had  a  base  of  operations  right  in 
the  heart  of  Byzacene,  and  only  three  days'  march  from 
Carthage ^  which  acted  as  a  wedge  to  split  up  the 
country  before  them.  The  Moors  remained  as  ever 
disunited ;  some  of  them,  like  the  people  of  Koyei'la, 
were  compulsorily  converted.  Even  the  independent 
tribes  could  offer  no  resistance,  and  the  invaders  were 
able  to  push  their  expeditions  as  far  as  Tlemyen,  the 
extreme  limit  of  the  Roman  power  as  restored  by 
Belisarius.  Africa  indeed  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  Saracens, 
who  could  choose  their  own  time  to  complete  their 
conquest.    Such  a  fate  as  this  necessarily  implied  much 

1  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  11 — 12.  ^  Fournel,  Les  Berbers,  p.  163. 


218     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

suffering.  The  Greek  historians  declare  that  eighty 
thousand  provincials  were  reduced  to  slavery ;  and 
though  this  may  be  an  exaggeration,  the  very  greatness 
of  the  exaggeration  reveals  the  effect  produced  on  the 
minds  of  contemporaries  \ 

In  681  Okba  returned  to  the  scene  of  his  old  triumphs 
and  at  once  proceeded  to  hasten  the  conquest  of  Africa. 
He  performed  the  wonderful  feat,  worthy  of  the  Koman 
army  in  its  prime,  of  marching  across  the  wild  and 
mountainous  interior  until  he  reached  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  His  first  steps  on  coming  back  to  Africa  were 
to  throw  El  Mohadjir  into  chains,  to  demolish  New 
Kairouan  and  rebuild  the  old  city ;  and  then  setting 
out  on  his  march,  he  took  the  important  position  of 
Mount  Aurasius  and  captured  Baghaia  and  Lambaesa, 
towns  on  the  North  and  North-east  of  this  table-land. 
Next  turning  South,  he  passed  through  the  whole  of  the 
Zab  and  went  by  Tiharet  to  Ceuta,  the  town  facing  the 
Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  from  there  marched  right 
through  the  heart  of  the  Atlas  mountains  till  he  reached 
the  sea  at  Sous,  not  far  from  the  southern  boundary  of 
modern  Morocco. 

A  few  interesting  events  happened  on  this  long, 
daring  march.  At  Lambaesa  the  Saracens  had  to  over- 
come a  fierce  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  garrison  of 
Moors  and  Christians,  one  of  the  few  instances  in 
which  there  is  any  record  of  an  alliance  of  these  peoples, 
without  which  it  was  hopeless  to  try  to  cut  off  the 
invaders.  Tiharet,  too,  was  defended  by  Moors  and 
Franks,  but  the  latter  returned  home  on  the  fall  of 
the  place.  At  Ceuta,  Okba  was  received  with  politic 
1  Theophanes,  s.a.  661 ;  Cedrenus,  Hist.  Com.  i.  7G4. 


THE    END   OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  219 

friendliness  by  Julian,  the  semi-independent  governor, 
and  was  informed  that  the  Moors  of  the  district  were  the 
grossest  barbarians,  and  were  practical  I}'  subject  to  no 
authority  whatever.  At  Nafis  in  Morocco,  he  was  nearly 
defeated  by  the  Masmoudah  tribes,  but  was  rescued  in 
his  peril  by  the  "Zeneti"  or  "converted" ;  probably  this 
is  another  instance  of  the  jealousy  which  ruined  Africa, 
and  tribal  hate  rather  than  religious  zeal  seems  likely 
to  have  inspired  the  rescue  of  these  so-called  converts. 

On  his  return  march  Okba  regarded  his  conquest 
as  so  secure  that  he  could  safely  split  his  army  into 
detachments,  but  unfortunately  he  forgot  that  in  his 
insolent  folly  he  had  insisted  upon  Ko9eila,  the  Berber 
chief,  performing  menial  duties.  He  paid  dearly  for  this 
impolitic  arrogance.  Suddenly,  when  he  had  reached 
Tobna  in  Numidia  with  only  a  few  cavalry,  he  found 
the  country  in  arms,  and  the  gates  of  Badis  shut 
against  him.  However  he  made  a  gallant  attempt  to 
capture  Tehouda,  and  there,  with  his  rival  El  Mohadjir 
and  all  his  small  force,  he  met  a  soldier's  death  at  the 
hands  of  a  large  force  of  Christians  and  Moors.  His 
fall  was  the  signal  for  a  general  rising  of  the  Ber- 
bers, and  Zoheir-ben-Kais,  his  successor,  was  forced  to 
abandon  Kairouan  and  Africa,  and  betake  himself  to 
strong  encampments  in  Barca^ 

Once  more  Africa  enjoyed  a  brief  period  of  repose. 
The  Saracens  with  as  little  wisdom  as  their  foes,  but 
with  fixr  less  danger  to  themselves,  indulged  in  the 
luxury  of  civil  war.     But  after  five  years  of  strife  the 

^  On  Okba's  expedition,  see  Mercier,  in.  ii.  13  —  14  ;  Fournel ;  Ibn 
Khaldoun,  i.  22,  etc.,  i.  287,  etc.;  En  Noweiri,  p.  322,  etc.;  El 
K'Airouani,  §  13. 


220     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

Kharedjites  won  the  day,  and  set  themselves  to  de- 
liberately exterminate  the  Unbelievers,  root  and  branch. 
In  688,  Zoheir  advanced  into  Africa  and  drove  Ko^e'ila 
from  Kairouan  to  Mems,  a  town  on  the  eastern  branch 
of  the  Medjerda  river.  Here  a  bloody  battle  was  fought ; 
on  the  one  side  blind  fanaticism  and  proselytizing  zeal, 
on  the  other  the  love  of  liberty  and  the  power  of  despair 
animated  the  combatants ;  in  the  end  the  invaders 
carried  all  before  them,  and  the  Berbers  with  their 
Christian  allies  were  routed  with  awful  slaughter.  El 
K'Airouani  declares  the  fugitives  were  butchered  like 
sheep ;  and  Ibn  Khaldoun  dates  the  fall  of  the  Latin 
power  from  this  battle.  The  Moors  suffered  as  much 
as  their  allies  and  the  Cloureba  tribe  was  almost 
entirely  destroyed  ^ 

In  spite  of  this  signal  triumph  Zoheir  decided  to 
evacuate  Africa.  Of  his  reasons,  the  most  potent  was 
the  smallness  of  his  force  and  the  turbulence  of  the 
enemy,  the  most  curious  the  fear  lest  possession  of  too 
much  wealth  should  injure  his  soul.  In  his  retreat  he 
shewed  the  faults  and  shared  the  fate  of  his  great  pre- 
decessor Okba.  He  travelled  with  too  small  an  escort, 
through  over-confidence,  and  was  defeated  and  slain  by 
a  few  Greeks  who  had  landed  at  Barca. 

For  seven  years,  from  690  to  697,  Africa  was  free 
from  the  Saracens,  but  rent  with  civil  war.  Kogeila 
was  now  no  more,  and  on  his  death  all  the  petty  chiefs, 
who  had  been  his  dependents,  struggled  to  succeed  to 
his  power ;  perhaps,  the  Christians  also  tried  to  re- 
cover their  lost  dominions.  The  internal  dissensions 
of  the  Mohammedans  however  prevented  them  from 
^  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  17 — 18. 


THE    END    OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  221 

taking  advantage  of  the  divisions  of  Africa,  and  before 
they  were  ready  to  renew  their  invasion  a  great  power 
had  arisen  out  of  the  confusion  of  the  Province.  The 
government  of  Africa  had  been  seized  by  the  virile 
hands  of  Dihia  or  Damia,  Queen  of  the  Djerouana,  com- 
monly known  by  her  title  of  Cahina  or  the  Diviner'. 

In  697  the  fifth  expedition  of  the  Saracens  started 
from    Egypt.       Hassan-ibn-en-Noman-el-Ghassani  was 
despatched  to   Africa  with  40,000   men  and  occupied 
Kairouani  without  resistance.     His  first  step  was  to  dis- 
cover the  most  dangerous  of  his  foes,  who  were  still  too 
divided  to  be  considered  as  one  force.    The  Christians  of 
Carthage  enjoyed  this  dangerous  distinction,  and  against 
them  Hassan  immediately  marched.    He  seems  to  have 
taken  the  city  completely  by  surprise.     The  inhabitants 
of  the  suburbs  were  put  to  the  swoi'd,  the  aqueducts 
were  unguarded  and  immediately  cut,  and  the  people 
within  the  walls  were  forced  to  enter  into  negotiations. 
The  Saracens  were  promised  supplies  for  all  their  needs 
if  they  would  undertake  not  to  enter  the  city.    Whether 
these  terms  were  accepted  is  not  clear  ;  probably  there 
was  no  time  to  effect  any  settlement,  for  the  same  night 
all  who  were  able  to  flee  stole  away  by  sea,  some  to 
Sicily,  others  to  Spain.     Next  day  Hassan  entered  the 
almost  deserted  city.     None  but  the  meanest  inhabit- 
ants were  left,  and  much  of  the  most  valuable  booty 
had  doubtless  disappeared.     In   their   rage   at   being 
thus   cheated,  the  conquerors  pillaged    and  burnt  on 
every  side,  and  all  who  had  not  succeeded  in  getting 
away  had   to   pay  the   penalty  of  their  countrymen's 
escape.     The  neighbouring  Berbers  hastened  to  seize 
1  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  19 — 21. 


222     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES  IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

Carthage  when  Hassan  was  gone,  and  continued  the 
work  of  destruction  begun  by  him ;  but  they  were 
soon  driven  out  by  the  Saracens,  the  buildings  were 
razed  to  the  ground,  and  a  small  Mohammedan  garrison 
was  left  to  hold  the  site  of  the  once  glorious  city. 

The  Christians  made  one  last  struggle  to  regain 
Africa.  The  weakness  of  the  Moslem  force  did  not  escape 
the  Emperor  Leo  (The  Isaurian),  and  John  the  Patrician 
was  despatched  to  retake  Carthage.  The  principal 
defence  of  the  harbour  was  a  chain  stretched  across 
its  mouth,  but  the  fleet  broke  this  and  the  city  at 
once  fell.  The  Saracen  garrison  was  put  to  the  sword, 
and  once  more  for  a  few  months  the  Roman  Empire 
could  count  Carthage  amongst  its  dominions.  John 
did  not  rest  content  with  the  capture  of  the  city,  but 
went  on  to  free  the  towns  in  the  neighbourhood  which 
still  resisted  the  Mohammedans,  and,  leaving  a  small 
force  behind  for  the  winter,  sailed  away  home. 

The  Christians'  success  was  very  short-lived.  In  the 
spring  of  698  Hassan  once  more  marched  against  the 
deserted  city  and  easily  drove  out  its  Greek  defenders. 
The  Caliph  Abd-el-Melik-ben-Merouan  had  heard  with 
the  utmost  consternation  of  the  success  of  John,  and  he 
now  bade  Abd-el-Aziz,  the  governor  of  Egypt,  send  a 
thousand  Coptic  families  to  form  a  strong  colony  at 
Carthage.  Hassan  also  improved  the  port  by  a  canal 
at  Rades,  and  built  a  naval  arsenal,  so  that  the  modern 
Tunis  became  one  of  the  chief  bulwarks  of  the  Saracen 
domination  of  Africa \ 

1  For  the  capture  of  Carthage,  see  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  22;  Fournel; 
En  Noweiri,  p.  339 ;  El  K'Airouani,  §  22 ;  Bk.  i".  p.  12  ;  Theophanes, 
s.a.  690  ;  Zonar.  An7i.  iii.  76 — 7. 


THE    END    OF    AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  223 

With  Carthage  fell  the  last  vestiges  of  the  power  of 
the  Empire  over  the  old  province;  and  the  rest  of  the 
story  of  the  Saracen  conquest  of  Africa  is  concerned 
with  the  subjection  of  the  Moors  alone. 

But  these  were  destined  to  give  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  before  they  were  finally  conquered,  and  the 
struggle  was  sufficiently  protracted  to  complete  the 
devastation  of  the  once  fertile  province.  For  at  length 
the  Berber  tribes  were  united,  and  their  Queen  Cahina 
was  prepared  to  resist  the  invaders  to  the  utmost. 
Hassan,  as  soon  as  Carthage  was  recovered,  turned 
against  her  and  was  severely  defeated  at  Ouad-Nini 
near  the  Mishiana  River,  not  far  from  Baghai'a  and 
Mount  Aurasius ;  and  so  strong  indeed  did  the  Moors 
seem  that  he  once  more  retreated  to  Barca,  and 
remained  there  for  five  years  in  an  entrenched 
camp. 

Cahina  turned  this  respite  to  the  best  advantage 
by  the  policy  of  a  true  barbarian.  She  argued  that 
the  invaders  were  attracted  merely  by  the  fertile 
plains  and  the  luxurious  remains  of  the  old  Roman 
civilization,  and  that,  were  the  lowlands  to  become  as 
barren  as  the  mountains,  there  would  be  little  fear  of 
further  attack.  As  for  herself  and  her  people,  they 
cared  nothing  for  these  things;  the  bare  living  afforded 
by  the  uplands  more  than  satisfied  their  simple  wants. 
She  therefore  determined  to  make  Africa  as  unat- 
tractive as  possible  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  invasions 
by  removing  the  cause.  The  whole  province  was  to 
be  laid  waste ;  from  east  to  west  fire  and  destruction 
were  to  reduce  everything  to  desolation,  and  the  plains 
were  to  be  made  as  sterile  as  the  hills.     Her  orders 


224     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

were  obeyed  with  too  great  thoroughness,  and  she  did 
not  foresee  the  inevitable  consequence.  Her  barbarity 
alienated  the  lowland  pojDulation,  and  the  small  farmers 
and  the  few  Christians  who  remained  now  looked  for 
the  advent  of  the  Mohammedans  as  their  salvation 
from  the  Moors \ 

In  703  the  last  act  of  the  tragedy  begins.  Hassan 
again  advanced,  and  defeated  and  slew  Cahina  in  the 
district  of  Kastiliya,  not  far  from  Mt  Aurasius.  With 
her  fell  the  independence  of  Africa,  and  the  next  few 
years  saw  the  Saracen  power  finally  established  from 
Tripoli  to  Ceuta.  The  conquest  was  not,  however,  due 
to  the  might  of  the  Mussulman  arm  alone.  Like 
India,  Africa  could  only  be  conquered  by  the  help  of 
the  native  tribes.  Hassan  saw  the  hopelessness  of 
attempting  to  subdue  the  mountainous  districts  of 
Mauritania  with  his  own  men,  and  he  raised  a  large 
number  of  auxiliaries  from  the  Berber  tribes.  The 
sons  of  Cahina  were  put  at  the  head  of  12,000  Moorish 
warriors,  and  by  their  aid  the  Saracen  dominions  were 
rapidly  enlarged.  However,  Hassan  was  not  to  finish 
the  work  he  had  begun ;  in  705  he  was  superseded  by 
Mou9a-ben-Noceir,  who  was  the  first  governor  of  Africa 
independent  of  the  province  of  Egypt.  The  new  leader 
completed  the  subjection  of  the  west ;  frequent  expedi- 
tions established  the  Mohammedan  rule  in  Mauritania, 
and  even  Julian,  the  semi-independent  governor  of 
Ceuta,  was  at  length  induced,  possibly  for  private  rea- 
sons, to  form  an  alliance  with  the  victorious  invaders. 

1  For  Queen  Cahina,  see  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  23 — 4 ;  El  K'Airouani, 
§§  23—4;  Ibn  Khaldoun,  i.  207,  etc.,  iii.  173,  etc.;  En  Noweiri, 
p.  339,  etc. 


THE    END   OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  225 

In  708  Noceir  returned  to  Kai'rouan,  and  the  conquest 
of  Africa  was  at  last  complete \ 

But  what  had  become  of  the  Roman  and  Christian 
population  ?  In  the  first  place  it  must  be  remembered 
that  long  before  the  Saracen  invasions  the  dominions 
of  the  Romans  had  begun  to  contract.  The  Moors 
had  encroached  on  every  side,  and  the  boundaries  of 
the  Province  had  steadily  receded,  until  in  the  first 
years  of  the  seventh  century  they  included  little  more 
than  Proconsularis,  part  of  Byzacene,  some  of  Numidia, 
and  the  eastern  districts  of  Mauritania  Sitifiensis.  As 
soon  as  the  Saracen  storm  burst  the  wealthier  Christians 
fled.  Ibn  Khaldoun-  distinctly  says  that  ''the  Franks, 
driven  from  their  African  possessions,  returned  to  their 
country  beyond  the  sea,"  and  again,  "  the  debris  of  the 
Frankish  and  Greek  population  took  refuge  in  Sicily 
and  Spain."  In  another  place  he  tells  us  how  Noceir 
found  "Africa  changed  to  a  vast  solitude,"  and  that  tht- 
Berbers  alone  continued  to  resist.  En  Noweiri'  to«) 
records  the  flight  of  the  people  of  Carthage  to  the 
Mediterranean  Isles.  For  the  Province  made  no  re- 
sistance worthy  of  its  former  power.  There  was  no 
attempt  to  unite  the  Moors  and  Romans  against  the 
invaders,  and  only  in  a  very  few  instances  do  we  find 
them  fighting  side  by  side.  At  Lambaesa  and  Tiharet 
the  garrisons  were  of  mixed  race,  at  the  battles  of 
Tehouda  and  Mems  an  allied  force  fought ;  but  the 
Christians  never  took  the  lead  in  defeudintr  the 
Province,   and    after    the    victory   of    Zoheir   in    668 

1  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  §§  25— '2G. 

-  Ibn  Khaldoun,  in.  lUl,  193  ;  i.  215. 

3  En  Noweiri,  p.  339. 

H.  15 


226     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

a    united    front    was    not    again    presented    to    the 
Mohammedans. 

There  was  besides  a  great  difference  in  the  ways 
that   the    two   nations  resisted.     The   Berbers  fought 
bravely  for  their  native  land,  and  under  Koceila  and 
Cahina    managed   to   check    for   a   time   the    Saracen 
advance.     Their  success  might  have  been  permanent 
if  they  had  been  united ;  but  internal  differences  were 
their  ruin,  and  their  lack  of  cohesion  and  the  attraction 
of  the  sensual   Moslem  religion   stood  in   the  way  of 
a   prolonged   resistance.     In    fact  the  defence  of  the 
Moors  failed,  not  because  they  lacked  vigour,  but  be- 
cause  their   vigour   was   misapplied   and    misdirected. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Christians  seemed  incapable  of 
self-preservation,  and  their  w^hole   policy  betrays  the 
utter  feebleness  of  a  worn-out  race.     After  the  fall  of 
Gregory  the  story  of  the  defence  of  Africa  consists  in 
a  catalogue  of  ineffectual  attempts  at  succour  by  the 
Emperors,  and  inglorious  truces  and  retreats  on  the 
part  of  the  provincials.     That  their  strength  was  still 
not  to  be  despised  is  proved  by  the  reluctance  of  the 
Saracens   to    attack    them    directly,    but,    instead    of 
opposing  the  invaders  whenever  possible,  the  degene- 
rate Romans  stood  ignobly  on  the  defensive.     As  soon 
as  Gregory  was  slain  the  Christians  of  Carthage  bought 
Zobei'r  off.     The  expedition  of  Nicephorus  fled  at  the 
first   approach  of  the  enemy.     Kairouan  was  founded 
without  any  interference  from  Carthage,  and  the  Chris- 
tians of  Numidia  were  content  with  the  peninsula  of 
Cherik.     On    the   first    attack    of   Carthage    the    in- 
habitants fled,  and  the  temporary  success  of  John  the 
Patrician  only  proves  how  unequal  the  Empire  was  to 


THE   END   OF   AFRICAN   CHRISTIANITY.  227 

the  task  of  reconquering  Africa.  In  fact,  as  the  Sara- 
cens advanced  the  power  of  the  old  masters  of  the 
Province  dwindled  away.  The  Roman  population  of 
Africa  seems  rather  to  have  decayed  of  its  own  hope- 
less unsoundness  than  to  have  been  destroyed  by  direct 
violence  on  the  part  of  the  Saracens. 

Of  course  large  numbers  of  Christi^ins  were  reduced 
to  slavery  by  the  Mohammedans,  for  Hight  was  not 
possible  to  the  poorer  of  the  Romans.  Theophanes 
says  that  80,000  were  carried  off  by  Okba\  and  En 
Noweiri  puts  the  prisoners  of  Hassan  at  35,000-;  but 
these  very  numbers  shew  that  the  Saracens  might  have 
been  met  by  a  bolder  resistance.  But  for  the  most 
part  the  Christians  fled,  and  the  once  masters  of  Afri&i 
were  scattered  over  the  face  of  the  earth.  In  084,  the 
14th  Council  of  Toledo  in  Spain  invited  Potentinus, 
Bishop  of  Utica,  to  attend,  and  Gregory  II.  had  to  warn 
the  German  episcopate  against  African  fugitives  tainted 
with  Donatist  and  Manichaean  heresies^ 

The  conquest  of  the  Province  seems  to  have  followed 
these  lines.  At  the  beginning  the  Roman  inhabitants 
held  the  north-east  districts  and  were  hemmed  in  on 
all  sides  by  Moors,  over  whom  they  had  little  more 
than  a  nominal  suzerainty.  Both  for  geographical  and 
strategic  reasons  the  first  Saracen  attacks  \vere  directed 
against  the  Berbers,  for  the  prestige  of  the  Empire 
and  its  command  of  the  sea  made  the  invaders  un- 
willing to  provoke  its  resistance  until  they  had  secured 
a  firm  basis  for  their  power  in  the  first  countries  that 
they   reached  west   of  the  terrible   deserts   of  Barca. 

^  Theophanes,  s.  a.,  G61.  -  En  Now6iri,  p.  341, 

3  Morcelli,  s.  a.  669 ;  Greg.  II.  Ep.  124. 

15—2 


228     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

When  this  was  done  and  the  Saracens  could  feel  secure 
in  a  proper  centre  of  operations  with  a  regularly  estab- 
lished line  of  communication  with  Egypt,  they  were 
ready  to  press  on  against  the  Christian  portions  of 
Africa.  But  their  rapid  advance  in  the  south  and 
west  and  their  extensive  depredations  had  frightened 
the  remains  of  the  old  Roman  population,  and  all  who 
could  had  fled,  long  before  the  first  march  on  Carthage, 
to  Europe  and  the  Mediterranean  isles.  The  mere 
reputation  of  the  Saracens  was  enough ;  before  their 
steady  progress  the  power  of  the  Christians  crumbled 
to  dust,  and  when  the  time  came  for  the  invaders  to 
make  their  final  attack  the  remnants  of  the  Roman 
Empire  were  capable  of  only  the  feeblest  resistance. 
The  people  who  had  ruled  the  Province  for  more 
than  seven  hundred  years  were  gone ;  not  because 
they  were  conquered  or  slain,  but  because,  enervated 
by  centuries  of  luxury,  wasted  by  endless  conflicts 
with  a  remorseless  border-foe,  when  they  were  ex- 
posed to  the  attack  of  a  new  and  terrible  enemy 
they  had  preferred  flight  to  a  hard  and  doubtful 
conflict. 

As  soon  as  the  Saracens  were  firmly  established  in 
their  new  dominions  they  set  about  organizing  the 
government  and  began  to  oppress  the  few  Christians 
that  remained.  Hassan  had  imposed  the  Kharedj,  a 
tax  of  one-third  on  all  their  possessions,  upon  Christians 
and  Berbers  alike,  and  this  was  now  still  more  strictly 
exacted  by  Noceir^  "  All  the  Christian  churches  were 
made   mosques,"  says  the   author   of  the   Baian,  and 

1  Ibu  Khaldoim,  §  25, 


THE    END   OF    AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  229 

though  this  was  not  literally  true,  all  who  refused  to 
accept  Islam  were  subjected  to  the  greatest  hardships'. 
No  doubt  the  remorseless  weight  of  the    Moslem 
rule  played  havoc  with  the  weaker  Christians.      The 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  being  ranked  with  their 
conquerors,  safety  from  religious  persecution  and  the 
seductions  of  the   simple   and    sensual   IMohammedan 
creed,  must  have  been  powerful  arguments  to  the  rude 
Berber  minds,  and  probably  the  great  majonty  of  the 
Christians   who    remained    had    more    Moorish    than 
Roman  blood   in   their  veins.     If,  moreover,  it  is  re- 
membered that  Africa,  though  conquered,  was  not  at 
peace  and   that   civil   wars    with   all   their   attendant 
massacres  and  destruction  continued  for  nearly  forty 
years,  it  will  not  seem  to  have  been  a  great  exaggera- 
tion on  the  part  of  Abd-el-Rahman  when  in  743  he 
said  he  could  send  no  more  Christian  slaves  to  the 
Caliph,  because  all  Africa  had   now  become  Moham- 
medan- ;  for  many  of  those  who  had  for  a  time  been 
true   to   their  Faith   had    doubtless    fallen  away,  and 
others  must  have  been  slain,  while  those  who  remained 
would  not  obtrude  their  creed  on  their  conquerors  or 
would  flee   away  to  inaccessible  mountain  fiistnesses. 
It  is  perhaps  possible  that  certain  Berber  tribes  whose 
customs  still  shew  some  traces  of  Christian  morality, 
such   as  the  practice  of  monogamy,  and  of  Christian 
institutions,  such  as  Baptism  and  the  use  of  crucifonn 
ornaments,  may  trace  their  origin  to  the  semi-Christian- 
ized tribes  who  fled  before  the  power  of  Islam 3. 

1  Mercier,  ii.  ii.  26.  -  Gibbou,  ch.  51. 

3  Mas  Latrie,  lielations  et  Cummerce  de  VAj'rique  Septentrionale, 
pp.  7-8. 


230     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

From  this  time  onwards  N.  Africa  ceases  to  be 
reckoned  as  a  Christian  country.  Christians  were 
indeed  still  to  be  found  within  the  limits  of  the  old 
Roman  province,  but  taken  as  a  whole  the  religion 
of  Africa  was  now  Mohammedan  and  the  survival  of 
a  few  followers  of  Christ  can  only  be  accounted  for 
by  the  fewness  of  the  numbers.  No  longer  has  the 
historian  to  record  the  development  and  power  of  a 
great  organization;  he  can  now  merely  watch  the  few 
remnants  that  remain,  until  they  too  at  the  end  of 
nine  hundred  years  are  swept  away. 

When  the  rule  of  the  Saracens  had  been  firmly 
established  their  bitterness  against  the  Christians 
seems  to  have  been  much  diminished.  Just  as  in 
Toledo,  Sardinia,  and  Sicily  the  Moslem  conquerors 
through  caution  or  carelessness  allowed  their  subjects 
freedom  of  religion,  so  in  Africa  Christianity  was  tole- 
rated. The  churches  were  not  destroyed,  but  mosques 
were  built  opposite  to  them.  The  mosques  flourished, 
the  churches  fell  into  decay,  and  the  social  and  political 
strength  of  Islam  was  a  more  dangerous  foe  to  Chris- 
tianity than  direct  religious  persecution \ 

It  was  not  long  before  the  number  of  the  Christians 
had  so  far  diminished  that  the  Apostolic  succession 
was  in  danger,  for  the  African  bishops  were  too  few  in 
number  to  consecrate  successors  according  to  canonical 
rule.  An  appeal  was  made  to  the  Jacobite  patriarch  of 
Alexandria,  and  he  sent  in  837  a  mission  of  five  bishops 
to  foster  the  last  remnants  of  Christianity  in  Africa. 
This  recourse  to  foreign  help  proves  how  near  the  great 

1  El  Tidjani,  iu  Mas  Latrie,  p.  7. 


THE   END   OF   AFRICAN   CHRISTIANITY.  231 

communion  of  Carthage  was  to  utter  extinction'.  But 
even  the  few  Christians  who  remained  were  not  united ; 
in  893  a  schism  arose  among  them,  which  caused  an 
appeal  to  Pope  Formosus,  and  was  referred  to  Arch- 
bishop Fulc  of  Rheims-. 

For  150  years  no  more  is  heard  of  the  African 
Church.  None  of  its  bishops  attended  the  seventh 
General  Council  at  Nicaea  in  787,  or  the  Council  of 
Constantinople  in  869,  and  yet  the  next  record  of  it 
shews  its  political  power  was  not  to  be  despised.  Indeed 
a  meteor-like  flash  of  glory  brightens  up  its  history. 
In  1048,  El  Moezy,  the  Ziride,  set  up  as  an  independent 
ruler  in  Africa  and  tried  to  form  a  Berber  kingdom. 
1'he  Caliph  El  Mostancer  sent  the  Hilaliens,  or  pre- 
datory Arabs  from  higher  Egypt,  to  recover  his  do- 
minions, and  for  three  years,  1052-5,  all  Africa  was 
given  up  to  plunder  and  violence.  In  this  disorder  the 
Christians  were  not  directly  attacked,  but  of  course 
suffered  as  much  as  the  rest  of  their  neighbours.  As 
a  measure  of  self-defence  they  organized  themselves 
under  the  leadership  of  a  certain  Mornak,  and  took  up 
a  position  at  Hamman  el  Lif,  a  town  five  leagues  west 
of  Tunis.  Here  they  beat  off  all  enemies  and  became 
so  strong  that  the  Emir  of  Carthage  left  them  alone, 
and  even  granted  them  a  strip  of  fertile  land  whereon 
they  could  live  an  independent  life.  This  territory  was 
called  Mornak  until  almost  our  own  time,  and  contains 
the  ruins  of  a  synagogue  and  of  another  building  which 
may  have  been  a  basilicas 


1  Gibbon,  ch.  51.  =  Mas  Latrie,  19. 

=^  Mas  Latrie,  26—9. 


232     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

The  prospects  of  the  Christians  evidently  improved 
for  a  time  and  it  may  be  to  this  period  that  a  docu- 
ment of  great  importance  relates.  A  Notitia  of  the 
bishops  of  Africa,  the  Balearic  Isles,  and  Sardinia,  has 
come  down  to  us,  of  which  unfortunately  both  the  origin 
and  date  are  unknown.  For  it  declares  that  at  the 
time  of  its  compilation  there  were  no  less  than  47  sees 
existing  in  these  countries.  In  Byzacene  there  were 
14,  amongst  which  the  most  prominent  were  Carthage, 
Carthago  Proconsularis,  Gafsa,  and  Adrumetum  ;  in 
Numidia  15,  including  Calama,  Hippo,  and  Constantine ; 
in  Mauritania  Sitifiensis  one,  Rhinocucurum,  and  in 
Tingitana  and  the  isles  17,  of  which  the  chief  were 
Ceuta,  Majorca,  Minorca  and  Sardinia.  Of  these 
bishops  four  held  archiepiscopal  rank^ 

From  this  Notitia  it  seems  that  the  two  provinces 
of  Proconsularis  and  Byzacene  were  now  united,  and 
that  the  distribution  of  the  Christians  of  this  period — 
if  this  document  can  indeed  be  attributed  to  this  period 
— corresponds  closely  with  the  dominion  of  the  Church 
in  its  prosperity.  In  the  eastern  parts  of  Africa  there 
are  now  14  sees,  in  Numidia  15,  but  in  the  first  Mauri- 
tania, there  is  only  one,  while  of  the  17  recorded  under 
the  second  Mauritania,  several  are  not  African  at  all. 
It  seems  then  that  in  the  eleventh,  as  in  the  fifth 
century,  the  Gospel  of  Christ  had  made  few  converts 
amongst  the  wild  barbarians  of  the  mountains  of 
Mauritania  2. 


1  Mas  Latrie,  p.  28. 

2  The  Notitia  as   given   in  Bp  Beveridge's  Pandectae  Canonuvi 
(Oxford,  1672),  Vol.  ii.,  note  to  p.  142,  is 


THE   END   OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY. 


2.S8 


There  is  one  curious  omission  in  this  Notitia.  The 
Bishopric  of  Gummi  is  not  mentioned.  Where  it  was 
is  uncertain ;  M.  de  Mas  Latrie  identifies  it  with 
Mornak,  but  on  merely  conjectural  grounds.  But  of 
the  importance  of  Gummi  in  the  eleventh  eentury  there 


1.  Cartagena  Proconsularis 

2.  Sybiba 

3.  Campsia 

4.  Cileos 

5.  Junces 

6.  Talepteo 

7.  Cascala 


Suh  gloriosissivio  Eparcho  Africae. 

8.  Castellae 

9.  Pezana 

10.  Mamida 

11.  Maclasuba 

12.  Colules 


13.  Capses 

14.  Adramytto 


1.  Calama 

2.  Tebete. 

3.  Hippon 

4.  Nuzidias 

5.  Castramagae 

6.  Bades 

7.  Meleum 

8.  Leradus 


Provincia  Numidiae. 

9.  Castrum  Bedere 

10.  Scele 

11.  Egeriuesium 

12.  Titessin 

13.  Bages 

14.  Constautiue 

15.  Sitiphnos 

Provincia  Mauritaniae  Primae. 

1.    Ehinocucurum. 
Provincia  Mauntaiiiae  Sccuiidae. 


1. 

Septum 

9. 

lures 

2. 

Septum,  ad  partem ' 

rhenessi 

10. 

Sanapbas 

8. 

Spanias 

11. 

Sines 

4. 

Mesopotameni     ad 

partem 

12. 

Sulces 

Spaniae 

13. 

Phaesiana 

5. 

Najurica,  insula 

14. 

Cbrysopolis 

6. 

Menj'ca,  insula 

15. 

Aristianes 

7. 

Insula  Sardow 

IG. 

Limne 

8. 

Carallus,  metropolis 

17. 

Castrum  Tutar, 

234     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

is  no  doubt.  In  fact  so  much  did  its  bishop  take  upon 
himself  that  he  aroused  the  anger  of  three  of  his 
brethren,  Thomas,  Peter,  and  John,  who  apj)ealed 
against  him  to  Rome.  In  1053,  Leo  IX.  issued  two 
decretals  in  their  favour  censuring  the  presumptuous 
prelate.  He  praised  Peter  and  John  for  trying  to  call 
a  council  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  rule  ;  he  ordered 
annual  synods  to  be  held  when  possible ;  and  he  declared 
the  Bishop  of  Carthage  to  be  the  Metropolitan  of  all 
Afiica,  who  was  alone  to  receive  the  pallium,  because 
St  Cyprian  had  by  his  piety  bestowed  everlasting 
honour  on  the  see.  Whether  the  decision  of  the  Pope 
closed  the  dispute  is  not  recorded,  but  probably  the  see 
of  Gummi  gave  way.  It  is  however  noticeable  that  five 
bishops  are  mentioned  as  being  concerned  in  this 
quarreP. 

This  number  was  dangerously  small,  and  great  diffi- 
culty was  once  more  found  in  carrying  on  the  Apostolic 
succession  according  to  the  conditions  of  the  canons. 
The  bishops,  too,  found  the  other  clergy  and  laity 
unwilling  to  respect  their  authority.  In  1073  Cyriac, 
Bishop  of  Carthage,  was  urged  by  some  of  his  clergy  to 
lay  hands  upon  a  man^  unfitted  for  his  sacred  calling, 
either  through  his  age,  ignorance,  or  morals.  The 
bishop  refused,  and  so  great  a  disturbance  was  caused 
that  the  Mussulman  Emir  interfered  and  tried  to 
induce  Cyriac  to  accept  the  people's  choice  in  order 
that  peace  might  be  preserved.  Cyriac  however  stood 
firm  in  his  resolution,  and  even  when  haled  to  prison, 

1  Mas  Latrie,  29—31;  Gibbon,  ch.  51. 

2  It  is  not  clear  whether  the  people  wished  this  man  to  be  made 
a  priest  or  a  bishop. 


THE    END   OF    AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  •2*> 


_•>•> 


publicly  insulted,  disrobed  and  scourged,  he  still  per- 
sisted. In  this  crisis  Gregory  VII.  wrote  two  letters, 
one  of  admonition  to  the  people  of  Carthage,  the  other 
of  exhortation  to  Cyriac.  Once  more  our  records  fail 
without  telling  us  how  the  matter  ended. 

Gregory  soon  had  occasion  to  interfere  again  in 
the  affiiirs  of  Africa.  The  number  of  bishops  had 
still  further  ftiUen,  so  that  only  two  were  left  where 
once  there  had  been  400 ;  and  the  Pope  was  asked 
to  consecrate  an  African  priest  to  ensure  the  presence 
of  the  canonical  three.  But  no  sooner  had  the  new 
prelate  returned  to  his  native  land  than  the  Bishop 
of  Hippo  died,  and  the  Church  was  in  the  same 
danger  as  before.  Not  only  was  it  impossible  to 
carry  on  the  succession  with  only  two  bishops,  but 
the  number  of  Christians  and  the  size  of  the  area  over 
which  they  were  scattered  demanded  the  services  of  at 
least  three  prelates.  Gregory  therefore  wrote  again  to 
Cyriac  and  bade  him  choose,  in  consultation  with  his 
lately  consecrated  colleague,  a  priest  worthy  of  the 
episcopate,  on  whom  he  would  himself  lay  hands,  if  he 
came  to  Rome.  Cyriac  sent  Servandus,  with  the  assent 
of  En-Na^er  or  Anzir,  King  of  Mauritania.  How- 
ever the  people  of  Hippo  did  not  approve  of  his  choice  ; 
for  inhabiting  as  they  did  a  city  near  the  heart  of  the 
Moorish  power,  they  were  no  doubt  unwilling  to  submit 
to  the  dictation  of  the  bishop  of  a  place  the  importance 
of  which  was  now  based  entirely  upon  historical  grounds. 
Gregory  therefore  wrote  to  them  to  point  out  the 
obedience  they  owed  to  their  bishop  ^ 

1  MasLatrie,  38—41;  Gibbon,  loc.  cit.;  Greg.  VII.  Epp.  19—21. 


236     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

These  few  glimpses,  scanty  though  they  are,  shew  that 
in  the  eleventh  century  the  position  of  the  Christians 
amongst  the  Moors  was  not  entirely  unbearable.  The 
establishment  of  Mornak  shewed  the  strength  of  the 
Christians  and  the  toleration  of  the  Moors.  The  Emir 
of  Carthage  and  the  King  of  Mauritania  both  shewed  a 
not  unkindly  interest  in  the  selection  of  the  Christian 
clergy.  But  more  remarkable  still  are  the  letters 
which  passed  between  Pope  Gregory  and  the  King  En- 
Na9er.  The  Moors  in  allowing  Servandus  to  go  to 
Rome  sent  presents  and  friendly  messages  by  him,  and 
released  many  Christian  prisoners.  The  Pope  wrote 
and  thanked  him  for  this  gracious  act,  reminded  him 
of  his  promise  to  release  yet  more,  and  declared  that 
such  deeds  were  prompted  by  the  hand  of  God,  for 
both  Christian  and  Mohammedan  worshipped  the  same 
God,  and  both,  though  in  different  ways,  daily  praised 
and  adored  the  Creator  of  the  ages  and  the  Ruler  of 
the  worlds 

Although  the  chief  men  among  the  Moors  seem  to 
have  been  disposed  to  tolerate  the  Church,  it  yet  suffered 
great  losses  between  1053  and  1073.  M.  de  Mas  Latrie 
attributes  the  circumstance  either  to  the  stress  of  civil 
war,  or  to  the  possible  apostasy  of  the  Bishop  of  Gummi 
after  the  victory  of  Carthage,  or  to  the  gathering  of 
the  Christians  to  El  Cala,  the  new  capital  of  the  Ham- 
madites.  However  that  may  be.  El  Bekir  writing  in 
1068  declares  that  Christianity  has  disappeared  in 
Algeria,  the  Djerid,  and  Byzacene,  but  that  at  Tlem9en 
there  still  remains  a  Christian  church  and  a  Christian 
congregation  2. 

1  Greg.  VII.  Ep.  21.  2  Mas  Latrie,  38—41. 


THE    END   OF    AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITY.  237 

The  toleration  of  the  Church  may  have  been  due 
to  the  political  events  of  the  time.  Africa  was  in 
disorder,  and  the  strength  of  the  Christian  ccjmmunity 
of  Mornak,  with  their  relations  to  the  steadily  recover- 
ing power  of  Rome,  made  them  a  factor  in  the  political 
situation.  In  1007  Hammad,  the  son  of  Bologgiun, 
founded  El  Cala,  between  Msilah  and  Setif,  and  peopled 
it  with  men  collected  from  all  parts,  including  many 
Christians.  In  1014-5  he  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the 
Zirides,  the  local  chiefs,  declared  himself  directly  under 
the  Abassides  of  Egypt,  and  managed  to  secure  the 
rule  of  all  Numidia  and  Sitiliensis  and  of  part  of 
Caesariensis.  In  1062  En-Nager  succeeded  him,  and 
five  years  later  founded  Bougie,  to  the  west  of  El  Cala, 
on  the  coast  of  Mauritania  Caesariensis,  near  Saldae. 
To  this  new  city  El  Mansour  transferred  the  seat  of 
government  in  1090-1  ^ 

However,  the  Christians  of  El  Cala  still  stayed  there 
and  kept  up  a  regular  organization  after  most  of  the 
population  had  migrated  to  Bougie.  Their  church  was 
consecrated  to  the  Virgin  Mary  and  was  served  by 
Calife,  the  last  of  the  African  bishops  of  whom  any 
records  have  endured.  Round  this  church  a  few  legends 
have  gathered.  The  monks  of  Mont  Cassim  were  cap- 
tured by  the  IMoors  as  they  sailed  from  Sardinia  to 
Africa  and  were  sent  to  El  Cala  until  they  were 
ransomed  by  Count  Roger.  Before  they  were  released 
Azzar,  the  eldest,  died  and  was  buried  before  the  high 
altar.  One  night,  a  month  after  his  death,  a  Mo- 
hammedan Berber  saw  him  sitting  and  reading  his 
Bible  at  the  entrance  to  the  church.     Startled  at  this 

1  Mas  Latrie,  32 — 4. 


238     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

apparition  the  Moor  ran  and  called  his  neighbours  with 
the  words,  "  Come,  run !  you  know  the  priest  of  the 
Christians,  who  is  dead  this  month  past.  Come  and 
see  him  sitting  on  the  threshold  of  the  church  ! "  But 
by  the  time  the  neighbours  had  answered  his  summons 
the  vision  had  disappeared.  Moreover  the  lamp  before 
Azzar's  tomb  was  lighted  by  no  human  hands.  It  w^as 
vain  to  fill  it  with  water  instead  of  oil;  an  Arab 
Emir  himself  watched  from  Calife's  house  and  saw  a 
star  descend  from  heaven  and  set  the  wick  alight \ 

However,  neither  miracles  nor  sanctity  could  protect 
the  Christians  for  ever.  In  1152  Abd-el-Moumon  took 
El  Cala  and  dispersed  the  inhabitants.  The  foreign 
Christian  merchants  took  refuge  in  Bougie,  but  the 
fate  of  the  native  Churches  is  unknown.  The  Almo- 
hades  subdued  all  Africa  and  their  conquests  inevitably 
implied  great  sufferings  to  the  conquered.  In  particular 
we  hear  that  Abd-el-Moumon  forcibly  converted  all  the 
Jews  and  Christians  of  Tunis  in  1159.  Still  in  1192, 
the  name  of  the  Archbishop  of  Carthage  appears  in 
the  Liber  Censuum,  but  this  does  not  prove  that  the 
holder  of  the  title  had  anything  more  than  a  nominal 
authority.  Perhaps  he  was  in  exile  or  in  hiding, 
and  it  is  not  impossible  that,  like  the  bishops  in 
partihus  infideliuiii  of  a  later  date,  the  nominal  oc- 
cupant of  the  see  had  never  been  near  it  at  all'-. 

In  fact  by  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  the  native 
Christians  had  become  a  very  insignificant  body.  Inter- 
national politics  however  were  in  their  favour.  The 
masters  of  Africa  were  forced  to  practise  some  sort  of 
toleration  and  some  Christian  settlers  were  allowed  the 
1  Pierre  Diaere  in  Mas  Latrie,  124 — 8.         ^  Mas  Latrie,  124 — 8. 


THE   END   OF   AFRICAN   CHRISTIANITY.  239 

free  exercise  of  their  religion.  At  least  two  Christian 
colonies  were  thus  established.  At  Serdania  near 
Kairouan  and  Djeloula  the  Sardinians  had  a  settlement, 
and  at  Castilia  near  Touzer  other  foreigners,  perhaps 
Spaniards,  dwelt.  But  the  presence  of  these  Europeans 
did  little  to  help  the  African  Christians.  For  some 
adopted  the  habits  and  religion  of  their  neighbours, 
and  the  others,  busy  with  their  own  concerns  and 
apprehensive  of  their  own  dangers,  were  indifferent  to 
their  needs. 

On  the  other  hand  some  good  indirectly  accrued 
to  them  through  the  number  of  Christian  slaves 
in  Africa;  for  their  natural  anxiety  to  escape  from 
their  captivity  brought  about  a  regular  system  of  ex- 
change of  prisoners  between  the  Europeans  and  the 
Moors.  No  doubt  it  was  a  very  profitable  business  for 
the  latter,  and  they  therefore  allowed  the  Christians 
to  carry  it  on  in  their  own  way.  For  the  Church, 
regarding  the  ransom  of  slaves  as  an  act  of  piety, 
organized  their  restoration  on  a  regular  religious  basis 
and  entrusted  it  to  the  Franciscan  and  Dominican 
orders  and  to  the  Monks  of  the  Redeemer,  who  were 
instituted  for  this  special  work.  In  1189,  Pope  Inno- 
cent III.  announced  the  foundation  of  this  order  to  the 
Sultan  Almanzor  in  a  very  impolitic  letter.  With  a 
most  arrogant  air  of  superiority  the  Pontiff  pities  the 
benighted  condition  of  the  Moors,  and  declares  that 
these  new  monks  would  devote  one-third  of  their 
possessions  to  ransoming  slaves,  and  would  purchase 
"  pagans "  to  exchange  for  Christians. 

Though  officially  countenanced  the  monks  had  some 
1  Mas  Latrie,  128—9. 


240     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

risks  to  run.  It  was  easier  for  the  Sultan  to  declare 
he  would  protect  them  than  to  save  them  from  the 
irresponsible  violence  of  Moslem  fanatics,  and  in  1226 
Honorius  III.  was  obliged  to  allow  them  to  wear  beards 
in  order  that  they  might  attract  less  attention  by  con- 
forming to  the  ordinary  dress  of  the  country.  By  this 
time  they  had  become  sufficiently  numerous  to  need 
supervision  and  in  1223  a  bishop  was  appointed  over 
them.  Besides  ransoming  prisoners  they  distributed 
alms,  and  no  doubt  they  alleviated  the  sufferings  and 
revived  the  faith  of  those  whom  they  could  not  released 
No  doubt  too  the  indigenous  Christians  did  not 
escape  their  attention,  although  by  this  time  the 
Christians  of  Africa  had  developed  many  peculiarities 
which  distinguished  them  from  the  Western  Church. 
Gibbon  asserts  that  the  force  of  circumstances  had 
driven  them  to  adopt  some  of  the  characteristics  of 
the  Mohammedans  around  them.  Like  their  Spanish 
brethren  they  submitted  to  circumcision;  they  ab- 
stained from  pork  and  wine  and  were  known  as  the 
Mozarabes  or  adoptive  Arabs.  They  stood  in  fact 
halfway  between  the  orthodox  Christians  and  the 
Moslems  around  them;  in  belief  they  were  followers 
of  Christ,  but  in  outward  things  they  had  conformed 
to  the  rules  of  Mahomet.  It  was  therefore  easy  to 
distinguish  them  from  other  Christians  living  in  Africa, 
and  several  families  of  the  old  African  Church  were 
found  in  Tunis  when  Charles  V.  landed  there  in  1535^ 
Leo  the  African  thus  describes  the  state  of  affairs  in 
that  city  about  this  time^: — 

1  Mas  Latrie,  130—3.  -  Gibbon,  ch.  51. 

3  In  Mas  Latrie,  528—30. 


THE    END   OF   AFRICAN    CHRISTIANITV.  241 

"  In  the  suburb  near  the  gate  of  El  Mauera  is  a 
particular  street,  which  is  like  another  little  suburb, 
in  which  dwell  the  '  Christians  of  Tunis.'  They  are 
employed  as  the  guard  of  the  Sultan  and  on  some 
other  special  duties.  In  the  suburb  near  the  sea-gate, 
Bab-el-Baar  (on  the  side  of  the  Goulette),  live  the 
foreign  Christian  merchants,  such  as  the  Venetians, 
the  Genoese,  and  the  Catalans.  There  are  all  their 
shops  and  their  own  houses,  separated  from  those  of 
the  Moors." 

A  most  careful  distinction  was  evidently  drawn 
between  the  '  Christians  of  Tunis '  and  the  merchants 
from  Europe.  The  former  have  their  special  cjuarters, 
as  in  eastern  cities  all  nationalities  do,  but  they  are 
allowed  to  live  near  the  Moors ;  on  the  other  hand  the 
merchants  are  necessary  to  the  trade  of  the  city  and 
must  therefore  be  tolerated ;  but  they  are  kept  as  near 
the  edge  of  the  town  and  as  far  from  their  Mohammedan 
neighbours  as  possible.  The  '  Christians  of  Tunis 
were  neither  settlers  from  Europe  nor  renegades,  but  for 
the  most  part  at  any  rate  were  the  direct  descendants 
of  the  great  African  Church.  They  performed  special 
and  honourable  duties,  and  were  allowed  to  exercise 
their  religion  unmolested  in  a  chapel  of  their  own. 

However  the  end  soon  came.  In  1583  the  Turks, 
long  masters  of  Algiers  and  Tlem^en,  took  Tunis  and 
dethroned  Mohammed,  the  last  of  the  Aben-Hafis.  The 
new  conquerors  were  fanatical  haters  of  Christianity, 
and  all  who  refused  to  embrace  Mohammedanism  were 
in  deadly  peril  from  them.  Their  violence  was  chiefly 
directed  against  the  native  Christians,  and  while  the 
foreigners  were  too  useful  or  too  well  protected  to  be 
H.  16 


242     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

persecuted  to  death,  the  poor  remnant  of  the  African 
Church  was  forced  to  apostatize  or  die\ 

The  last  blow  had  fallen,  and  by  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  the  great  Church  of  Tertullian, 
Cyprian,  and  Augustine  had  at  length  passed  from  the 
face  of  the  earth.  It  was  not  extinguished  without 
a  struggle,  and  the  vitality  it  had  displayed  for  nearly 
a  thousand  years  of  oppression  was  worthy  of  the  noble 
names  with  which  it  is  inseparably  associated.  But 
now  at  last  its  long  history  was  over  and  the  fertile 
fields  of  North  Africa  were  given  up  to  the  yoke  of 
Islam,  under  which  for  the  most  part  they  remain  to 
this  day. 

1  Mas  Latrie,  538—30. 


CHAPTER   IX. 
Conclusion. 

The  Christian  Churches  of  North  Africa  were 
founded  about  the  end  of  the  first  century ;  for  six 
hundred  years  they  played  an  important,  at  times  the 
most  important  part,  in  the  development  of  Western 
Christianity,  and  were  then  crushed  almost  completely 
by  the  overwhelming  force  of  the  Mohammedan  in- 
vasion, although  a  remnant  still  survived  for  nine 
centuries. 

During  their  fifteen  centuries  of  existence  they 
experienced  the  most  varied  fortunes.  For  two  cen- 
turies they  had  to  struggle  for  life,  as  all  other  Christian 
communities  struggled,  against  the  forces  of  a  State- 
established  paganism ;  like  other  Churches  they  tri- 
umphed, and  to  them,  as  to  others,  the  accession  of 
Constantine  promised  peace.  But  now  they  were 
exposed  to  the  attacks  of  a  more  insidious  foe.  Within 
their  own  ranks  Donatism  grew  up,  and  the  schism 
which  at  first  merely  divided  them,  threatened  to  con- 
quer the  Churches  which  gave  it  birth.  The  trouble 
continued  for  over  a  hundred  years,  but  the  wisdom  of 
St  Augustine,  backed  by  the  might  of  the  State,  forced 

16—2 


244     THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES  IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

the  sectaries  to  return  or  to  leave  the  Church  un- 
molested, and  again  there  seemed  every  hope  of  peace. 
Once  more  their  expectations  were  shattered  ;  this  time  a 
foreign  and  heretical  foe  attacked  the  African  Christians, 
and  for  a  century  they  languished  under  the  tyranny  of 
half-civilized  Arians.  The  arms  of  Belisarius  restored 
the  supremacy  of  the  Province  in  temporal  matters  to 
the  Empire,  in  spiritual  matters  to  the  Catholic  Church, 
and  for  the  next  hundred  and  fifty  years  African  Christi- 
anity was  subject  to  no  trials  which  an  earnest  faith 
could  not  hope  to  overcome.  But  in  the  seventh 
century  the  final  misfortune  overtook  Africa,  and  the 
Province  fell  a  victim  to  the  resistless  onslaught  of  the 
Moslem  conquerors ;  the  secular  power  of  the  Empire 
was  for  ever  swept  away,  the  Roman  population  was 
dispersed,  and  the  Church  was  broken  up  and  forced 
to  seek  what  shelter  it  could. 

To  all  appearance  the  Churches  of  Africa  were  now 
totally  destroyed,  but  in  spite  of  everything  Christianity 
shewed  a  marvellous  and  unparalleled  tenacity  in  its 
hold  on  the  Province.  For  nine  hundred  years  the 
Faith  in  Christ  was  handed  down  from  father  to  son, 
and  the  Apostolic  Succession  was  kept  up  with  only 
occasional  help  from  more  favoured  communions,  in 
the  heart  of  one  of  the  most  fanatically  Mohammedan 
communions  of  the  world. 

Such  a  record  as  this  would  command  admiration  if 
African  Christianity  had  concerned  itself  merely  with 
its  own  people.  Few  other  Churches  can  claim  to  have 
endured  for  six  hundred  years  a  constant  succession  of 
attacks  from  within  and  persecutions  from  Avithout ; 
but  fewer  still  can  boast  that  they  have  kept  the  flame 


CONCLUSION.  24.') 

of  Faith  alive  for  nearly  one  thousand  years,  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides  by  bitter  and  unrelenting  foes. 
But  the  Churches  of  Africa  have  still  other  claims  to 
veneration.  As  long  as  their  organization  wtxs  com- 
plete, they  played  a  worthy  part  in  the  controversies 
that  agitated  the  early  Christians,  and  whenever  the 
<jrthodoxy  of  the  world  was  in  doubt,  Africa  was  always 
found  on  the  side  of  the  right.  At  various  times 
and  with  varying  measures  of  success,  Novatianism, 
Donatism,  Pelagianism,  Manichaeism,  and  Arianism, 
obtained  a  footing  in  the  Province,  but  all  alike  were 
checked  and  forced  to  withdraw  in  confusion.  In  the 
controversy  about  the  Three  Chapters  and  in  the 
repulse  of  the  Monothelites  the  voice  of  Africa  was 
heard  with  no  uncertain  sound,  and  the  exposure  of 
the  errors  of  Pelagius  was  largely  due  to  the  vigour 
and  zeal  of  St  Augustine.  The  Christians  of  Carthage 
in  fact  formed  one  of  the  most  influential  and  orthodox 
communions  of  the  early  Church,  and  they  did  much 
to  fix  the  doctrines  of  Christianity  as  we  know  them, 
and  to  settle  the  canon  in  its  present  form. 

Yet  the  Churches  of  Africa  are  no  more,  and  the 
causes  of  their  fall  present  a  problem  of  the  utmost 
interest.  Unfortunately  it  can  no  longer  be  fully  and 
certainly  solved,  for  the  destructiveness  of  the  Saracens 
has  swept  away  nearly  all  the  records  of  the  most 
critical  time  in  their  history ;  but  some  guesses  may  be 
made  from  the  knowledge  that  has  survived  of  their 
earlier  years. 

Three  tests  may  be  applied  to  discover  the  sound- 
ness of  any  communion.  Orthodoxy  of  doctrine,  per- 
isonal   piety,  and   efficient   organization  are  necessary 


246     THE  CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

for  the  well-being  of  a  Church ;  but  in  none  of  these 
can  the  Africans  be  said  to  have  been  disastrously 
wanting.  Indeed,  as  far  as  their  teaching  was  con- 
cerned, they  were  more  orthodox  than  Rome  itself,  and 
they  offered  a  more  prompt  and  stedfast  resistance  to 
the  errors  of  Pelagius  and  the  quibbles  of  Justinian 
than  did  the  Popes  themselves. 

The  personal  piety  and  sound  learning  of  individual 
members  of  the  African  Church  are  as  easily  proved. 
The  names  of  Cyprian  and  Augustine  stand  out  from 
their  fellows  throughout  the  world,  and  some  less  well- 
known  Africans  are  worthy  to  be  classed  with  them. 
The  devotion  of  Deogratias  and  Eugenius  won  the 
respect  even  of  the  Vandals ;  the  influence  of  Ful- 
gentius  filled  the  monasteries;  the  piety  of  Quod- 
vultdeus  procured  for  him  the  dignity  of  an  Abbat  at 
Rome.  The  details  of  the  last  years  of  the  Church 
are  too  obscure  to  enable  the  list  to  be  continued, 
but  the  courage  of  Reparatus  at  Constantinople  and 
the  trust  of  the  great  Gregory  in  Columbus  do  not 
bespeak  any  falling  off  from  the  high  standard  of  the 
first  few  centuries ;  and  the  devotion  that  could 
support  the  Christians  after  the  Saracen  invasion  was 
certainly  of  no  poorer  quality  than  that  shewn  by  their 
forefathers,  when  exposed  to  the  spasmodic  rage  of  the 
heretical  Vandals. 

With  the  organization  and  discipline  of  the  Church 
there  was  not  much  amiss.  It  is  true  that  the  various 
dioceses  were  not  quite  so  closely  knit  as  in  some  other 
countries,  and  that  various  important  points  were  at 
first  left  to  be  settled  by  individual  bishops  instead  of 
the  Church  as  a  whole ;  and  it  is  true  that,  however  it 


CONCLUSION.  247 

may  have  worked  practically,  theoretically  the  mode  of 
choosing  a  Primate  was  wrong.  But  still,  taking  it  all 
in  all,  its  ecclesiastical  system  suited  Africa,  and  re- 
mained vigorous  and  strong  as  long  as  the  Province 
remained  under  the  Roman  power.  Indeed  the  African 
Christians  once  or  twice  proved  themselves  able  to  go 
behind  the  strict  law  and,  casting  aside  its  letter,  to 
act  effectively  upon  its  spirit.  During  the  Vandal  per- 
secution, whenever  there  was  a  short  breathing-space, 
the  Catholics  set  their  house  in  order  without  reganling 
the  regular  limits  of  the  dioceses  or  caring  whether 
they  encouraged  the  pretensions  of  Rome.  Still  more 
striking  are  the  events  of  the  contest  with  the  Mono- 
thelites.  The  action  of  Fortunatus  threatened  to 
mislead  the  whole  Church,  and  to  prevent  the  Pro- 
consular province  in  particular  from  expressing  its  true 
opinion.  In  this  crisis  had  the  Church  shewn  no  power 
of  adapting  her  course  of  action  to  the  times,  the  result 
must  have  been  either  a  misrepresentation  of  the  views 
of  an  important  section  on  a  vital  point,  or  a  disorderly 
revolt  against  lawfully-constituted  authority.  Happily 
the  Bishops  of  Proconsularis  were  able  to  shake  them- 
selves free  from  hidebound  customs  and  to  break  the 
law  in  order  to  preserve  the  law.  Gulosus,  Bishop  of 
Pupit,  called  a  convention  of  his  colleagues,  and  with 
them  decreed  the  deposition  of  Fortunatus  and  the 
condemnation  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Monothelites.  An 
occurrence  such  as  this,  in  which  the  law  was  invoked 
to  do  that  which  it  did  not  contemplate,  and  an  un- 
constitutional act  was  performed  in  perfect  accord  with 
the  best  constitutional  principles,  speaks  volumes  for 
the  reality  of  the  disci})line  of  the  African  Church.     It 


248     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH  AFRICA. 

took  place  within  fifty  years  of  the  extinction  of  the 
Christians  of  Africa  as  an  organized  body,  and  it  seems 
to  make  the  causes  of  that  extinction  all  the  harder  to 
understand. 

If  the  African  Church  right  up  to  the  time  when 
its  records  cease  can  stand  the  threefold  test,  and  can 
be  proved  orthodox  in  doctrine,  pure  in  life,  and  sound 
in  system,  the  reason  of  its  fall  must  be  found  outside 
its  religious  life.  One  -fact  at  once  stands  out  when 
the  history  of  the  Province  as  a  whole  is  regarded. 
African  Christianity  practically  fell  with  the  Imperial 
power  and  left  but  few  traces  behind.  Now  this  coin- 
cidence points  to  a  connexion  between  the  tw^o,  and 
the  previous  life  of  the  Province  confirms  the  sup- 
position. Twice  before  had  the  rule  of  Rome  received 
severe  shocks,  once  from  the  Moors  and  once  from  the 
Vandals,  and  in  both  cases  had  the  Catholics  been  sub- 
jected to  bitter  persecutions.  In  the  days  of  Firmus 
and  Gildo,  the  Donatists  had  been  triumphant ;  in  the 
time  of  the  Vandals  the  Arians  had  ridden  roughshod 
over  the  orthodox ;  and  now  that  the  Saracens  held  all 
Africa,  the  Christians  once  more  fell  on  evil  days. 

But  there  was  this  difference  between  the  peril  of 
Christianity  in  the  eighth  and  in  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries ;  it  was  not  so  much  a  persecution  as  an 
extinction  of  the  Faith ;  the  time  was  no  longer  one  of 
noble  martyrs  and  heroic  confessors ;  there  were  hardly 
any  Christians  to  be  found.  The  Church  had  gradually 
dwindled  away  with  the  Roman  population ;  as  the 
borders  of  the  Province  had  been  gradually  pushed 
back  by  the  pressure  of  the  Moors,  the  territories  of 
the  Church  had  grown  smaller  too.     Year  by  year  and 


CONCLUSION.  249 

century  by  century  the  arm  of  Rome  had  lost  its  strength 
and  had  become  less  and  less  able  to  defend  the  outlvinfr 
districts  of  its  dominions.  Raid  after  raid  had  swept 
over  the  most  fertile  plains  of  North  Africa,  and  in  the 
mountainous  parts  of  Mauritania  independent  Berber 
kingdoms  had  been  set  up.  The  fortunes  of  the  Church 
had  suffered  with  those  of  the  State,  and  as  the  eagle 
had  been  slowdy  driven  back,  the  Cross  had  been  com- 
pelled to  retire. 

For  on  the  whole  the  Christianity  had  gained  but 
little  hold  on  the  Moors.  It  was  strongest  in  the 
eastern  or  more  civilized  districts ;  but  its  foothold  in 
Mauritania  was  never  firm  and  in  the  end  was  lost 
altogether.  It  is  true  that  some  of  the  Bishops,  as 
Quodvultdeus,  Deogratias,  etc.  seem  to  have  borne 
assumed  names,  and  may  therefore  be  those  of  men  of 
Moorish  origin ;  but  these  prelates  probably  came  from 
the  people  of  mixed  blood,  who  lived  in  the  interior 
and  formed  a  connecting  link  between  the  Romans 
and  the  Moors.  Amongst  the  pure  Berber  tribes  there 
are  hardly  any  traces  of  Christianity.  Belisarius  is 
said  to  have  converted  some  who  were  known  as  the 
"  Pacati,"  and  Gennadius  was  praised  by  Gregory  for 
his  missionary  efforts ;  but  at  other  times  the  Mooi-s 
are  mentioned  only  as  the  enemies  and  persecutors  of 
all  Christian  believers. 

It  was  not  so  much  Christianity  as  the  mode  of  its 
presentation  that  repelled  the  Berbers.  The  mar- 
vellous survival  of  some  form  of  Faith  amongst  the 
fanatical  Mussulmans  could  only  have  been  due  to  the 
Moors  and  Moorish  resolution ;  for  the  Roman  popula- 
tion had  been  dispersed  or  slain,  so  the  only  Christians 


250     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

in  Africa  besides  the  captives  from  European  countries 
must  have  sprung  from  the  Moorish  stock.  The  tenacity 
shewn  in  those  centuries  of  trial  was  a  distinctive  trait 
of  the  Berber  nature,  and  there  is  something  very 
characteristic  in  the  way  in  which  that  small  remnant 
clung  to  Christianity  in  spite  of  all  persecution  and 
oi^pression.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  the  Church  in 
its  prime  had  never  managed  to  secure  all  this  devotion 
for  itself;  if  it  had,  the  history  of  the  Province  and 
even  of  the  world  might  have  been  different.  The 
line  dividing  the  Romans  from  the  Moors  would  have 
been  obliterated  ;  the  peoples  would  have  been  united ; 
the  Province  would  have  been  strengthened  and  a 
united  front  presented  to  the  Saracen  hordes. 

This  might  have  happened  and  at  one  time  ap- 
peared almost  likely  to  happen,  but  the  uncompromising 
attitude  of  African  Christianity  nipped  the  first  promise 
of  Moorish  Christianity  in  the  bud.  The  Berber  cha- 
racter was  narrow  but  strong.  Seizing  upon  certain 
vital  principles  of  doctrine,  it  disregarded  the  rest  and 
was  prepared  to  sacrifice  everything  rather  than  give 
way  in  the  matters  on  which  it  had  pinned  its  faith. 
Extreme  veneration  for  personal  piety,  separation  from 
all  weaker  brethren  and  fierce  intoleration  were  the 
principal  marks  of  its  religion.  When  the  Moors  were 
Christians  they  honoured  martyrs  and  confessors  with 
unmeasured  admiration ;  when  they  were  Moham- 
medans they  paid  more  respect  to  their  local  saints 
than  to  the  Prophet  himself;  and  in  these  latter  days 
the  rise  of  the  Mahdi  and  other  Moorish  seers  proves 
that  their  character  is  still  the  same.  Such  men  as 
these  would  accept  Christianity  after  their  own  fashion 


CONCLUSION.  251 

and  no  other,  and  most  unfortunately  for  the  chance 
ot"  spreading  the  Faith  in  Africa  the  doctrines  that 
appealed  to  them  were  not  compatible  with  the  spirit 
of  the  rest  of  the  Christian  Church.  Twice  within 
fifty  years  were  there  attempts  to  force  the  African 
communion  into  a  policy  of  intolerant  puritanism  and 
bitter  exclusiveness,  and  both  the  Novatians  and 
Donatists  declared  it  impossible  for  the  saints  to  hold 
converse  with  sinners.  In  the  second  case,  at  any  rate, 
this  narrowness  attracts  profoundly  the  uncivilized 
element  in  the  provincial  population,  and  the  origin  of 
Donatism  shews  how  greatly  its  career  was  affected  by 
the  national  characteristics  of  the  Moors. 

It  arose  in  Numidia,  one  of  the  least  Romanized 
parts  of  the  Province ;  it  was  favoured  by  the  Berber 
leaders,  Firmus  and  Gildo ;  it  was  supported  by  half- 
barbarian  bands  of  fanatical  Circumcelliones ;  many  of 
its  followers  could  speak  Punic  alone.  The  district 
of  its  birth,  the  nationality  of  its  political  leaders,  the 
savagery  of  its  rank  and  file  and  their  ignorance  of 
Latin  bespeak  a  large  uncivilized  non-Roman  element. 
Its  practical  suppression  by  St  Augustine  and  its 
partial  revival  in  the  days  of  Gregory  point  to  the 
same  conclusion.  As  soon  as  the  forces  of  Catholicism 
and  Imperialism  were  marshalled  against  it,  the  once 
all-powerful  organization  disappeared  from  the  more 
civilized  districts  of  Africa ;  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
power  of  Rome  triumphed  and  not  one  word  of  the 
sectaries  is  heard  for  nearly  two  centuries.  Then  there 
is  a  fresh  outbreak  and  in  the  very  t^uarter  where  it 
might  have  been  expected.  Not  in  Roman  Carthage 
or   well-settled    Byzacene,    but    in    the    West,  in    the 


252     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN  NORTH   AFRICA. 

mountainous  regions  of  Numidia  and  Mauritania  the 
old  trouble  crops  up  again. 

This  revival,  moreover,  has  certain  peculiar  circum- 
stances connected  with  it.  If  the  western  bishops  had 
been  affected  by  the  Donatist  errors,  it  would  have 
followed  the  ordinary  lines  of  heresies  and  schisms ; 
but  at  first,  as  far  as  the  scanty  records  make  anything 
clear,  the  higher  ecclesiastics  seem  to  have  opposed 
the  new  teachings.  The  laity  forced  the  bishops  to 
accept  the  schismatical  doctrines  and  were  prepared  to 
use  violence  to  oust  the  Catholic  clergy  from  their 
cures  in  favour  of  sectarians.  The  whole  of  Numidia 
was  affected  by  the  Donatist  teaching,  and  the  pro- 
vincial synod  could  not  be  relied  on  to  decide  ecclesias- 
tical questions  according  to  the  canons  of  the  Church 
and  the  traditions  of  the  Fathers ;  while  in  Procon- 
sularis  the  episcopate  were  still  so  hostile  to  this  per- 
verted form  of  belief  that  it  forgot  moderation  and 
wisdom  in  its  anger. 

The  ultimate  fate  of  Donatism  is  quite  unknown ; 
but  if  it  be  admitted  that  this  type  of  Christianity 
attracted  the  Moors  as  much  as  it  repelled  the  Romans, 
an  unexpected  conclusion  must  follow  from  the  circum- 
stances of  the  extinction  of  the  Churches  of  Africa. 
The  ruin  of  Donatism  was  the  destruction  of  the  one 
chance  of  perpetuating  Christianity  in  North  Africa. 
In  the  first  place  it  prevented  the  building  of  the  most 
efficient  of  all  bridges  between  the  Romans  and  the 
Moors ;  in  the  second  place  it  weakened  the  Christians 
in  numbers  where  they  were  strongest  in  tenacity. 
The  wonderful  fact  of  the  survival  of  the  Faith 
through   nine  hundred  years  of  oppression  cannot  be 


CONCLUSION.  253 

overrated,  and  the  few  bare  facts  that  reveal  its 
existence  stand  for  numberless  instances  of  heroic 
fortitude  that  have  now  been  forgotten.  If  the  Church 
had  only  succeeded  in  getting  hold  of  the  great  mass 
of  the  Berber  tribes,  if  it  could  only  have  enlisted  under 
the  banner  of  Christ  all  the  enthusiasm  that  afterwards 
supported  the  cause  of  Islam,  it  might  well  have  been 
that  not  only  would  the  Saracens  have  never  succeeded 
in  crushing  African  Christianity  after  the  conquest  of 
the  Province,  but  they  might  never  have  concjuered 
the  Province  at  all.  As  it  was,  the  teaching  which 
appealed  strongly  to  the  Berber  mind  was  condemned  by 
the  leaders  of  the  Church  as  imperfect,  and  those  who 
taught  and  believed  it  were  subject  to  the  ban  of  the 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  authorities.  It  was  un- 
doubtedly corrupt  and  it  could  not  be  reconciled  with 
the  spirit  or  much  of  the  letter  of  the  pure  Gospel ; 
still  the  faults  of  the  Moors  were  those  of  their 
qualities,  and  if  they  had  not  been  so  fanatically  nar- 
row it  may  be  doubted  whether  they  would  have  shewn 
such  marvellous  resolution. 

As  far  as  our  records  go,  the  causes  of  the  extinction 
of  the  Churches  of  North  Africa  may  be  stated  as 
follows.  They  fell  because  they  were  the  Churches 
of  a  party  and  not  of  a  people ;  they  appealed  to  the 
civilized  Romans  alone,  and  not  to  the  barbarian 
Moors.  Circumstances  forced  them  to  assume  a  hostile 
and  uncompromising  attitude  towards  the  form  of 
Christianity  adopted  by  the  Moors,  and  their  life  was 
bound  up  with  that  of  the  Roman  domination  in  the 
Province.  From  the  time  of  the  Vandals  this  had 
been  gradually  weakened  and  its  territories  had  been 


254     THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCHES   IN   NORTH   AFRICA. 

steadily  diminished;  the  alien  population  in  Africa 
had  decreased  and  with  it  the  numbers  of  the  Church. 
When  the  Saracen  invasion  came  the  Romanized  in- 
habitants fled,  and  like  the  Jews  of  old  were  spread 
over  the  face  of  the  world ;  as  the  Roman  community 
dispersed,  the  Church  dispersed  and  the  disintegration 
of  the  Imperial  power  meant  the  disintegration  of  the 
ecclesiastical  system  also.  Some  few  Christians  re- 
mained when  their  brethren  were  gone,  and  these  man- 
aged to  preserve  their  separate  existence  with  occasional 
help  from  more  prosperous  communions.  Probably 
Moorish  by  blood,  they  display  a  marvellous  resolution, 
and  at  times  were  even  able  to  defy  their  persecutors ; 
but  their  numbers  were  too  small  for  them  ever  to 
become  a  lasting  power,  and  in  1583  the  Turks  swept 
away  for  ever  the  last  vestiges  of  the  Church  of  Africa 
which  still  existed  in  the  land  made  famous  by  the 
labours  of  Cyprian  and  Augustine. 

It  may  be  that  the  Catholics  made  a  mistake  in 
altogether  refusing  to  countenance  or  adopt  the  methods 
of  Donatism;  probably  their  policy  was  dictated  by 
the  theological  and  political  necessities  of  the  time ; 
but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  African  Churches 
were  destroyed  not  because  of  their  failings,  not  because 
they  were  corrupt,  but  because  they  failed  to  reach  the 
hearts  of  the  true  natives  of  the  Province.  The  system 
of  Rome,  the  doctrines  of  Rome,  the  virtues  of  Rome 
were  those  of  a  civilized  law-abiding  nation ;  the  system, 
the  doctrines,  and  the  virtues  of  the  Moors  were  those 
of  a  barbarian  and  savage  people.  Both  had  their 
strong  points  and  both  their  weaknesses ;  if  the  Moors 
were  narrow  and  fanatical,  they  were  faithful  to   the 


CONCLUSION.  255 

heart's  core;  if  the  Romans  were  unbending  and  un- 
accommodating, they  were  blinded  to  the  needs  of  their 
country  by  the  troubles  of  the  whole  Church.  But  as 
it  was,  the  Church  in  Africa  as  an  organization  was 
sure  to  disappear,  not  because  its  members  fell  away, 
but  because  they  were  dispersed,  and  when  the  foreign 
population  of  the  Province  was  gone,  there  were  hardly 
any  Christians  left  to  carry  on  in  Africa  the  life  of  the 
alien  Church  of  its  former  rulers. 


AUTHORS  AND  WORKS  QUOTED. 


Abbott,  Dr  Evelyn    Philomy thus. 

St  Augustine Letters  and  Works. 

Benson,  Abp Cyprian.     His    life.     His    times.     His 

work. 

Beveridge    2vvo8ik6u  sive  Pandectae  Canonum. 

Bingham Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities. 

Boissier,  Gaston L' Afrique  Romaine. 

„         ,,         Le  Fin  du  Paganisme. 

Bright Select    Anti-Pelagian    Epistles    of    St 

Augustine. 

Bury    Fragments. 

„       History  of  Later  Roman  Empire. 

Cagnat,  Rene L'Armee  Romaine  d'Afrique. 

Cassiodorus    Chronicle. 

„  Variae. 

Chronicon  Paschale. 

Claudian De  Bello  Gildonico. 

Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum. 

Coulanges,  Fustel  de Recherches    sur     quelques    Probl^mea 

d'Histcnre. 

Darras Histoire  Gencrale  de  I'Eglise. 

El  Hakem  (translated  by  Slane). 

El  Kairouani (Exploration  Scientifique  de  1' Afrique). 

Encyclopedia  Britannica. 

En  Noweiri (translated  by  Slane). 

Finlay Greece  under  the  Romans. 

Fournel  Les  Berbers. 

H.  17 


258     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES    IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 

Freeman,  E.  A. English  Historical  Eeview,  July  1887. 

Fulgentii  Sancti  Vita. 

Garner Dissertation  on  African  Synods. 

Gibbon    Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

Gregory  I Letters. 

Gregory  II Letters. 

Gregory  VII Letters. 

Gregory  of  Tours  Historia  Francorum. 

Hefele History  of  the  Councils  of  the  Church. 

Hodgkin,  T Cassiodorus'  Variae. 

„  Italy  and  her  Invaders. 

Ibn  Khaldoun    (translated  by  Slane). 

Idatius    Chronicle. 

Isidorus  Hisj^alensis Chronicle. 

„  „  Historia  Vandalorum. 

John  Biclarensis    Chronicle. 

Jornandes  De  Rebus  Geticis. 

Justinian    Laws. 

Lecky History  of  European  Morals. 

Leo  I Letters. 

Marcellinus  Comes    Chronicle. 

Marcus    Histoire  des  Wandales, 

Mas  Latrie,  Le  Comte  de  Relations  et  Commerce  de  I'Afrique  Sep- 

tentrionale. 

Mercier   Histoire  de  I'Afrique. 

Milman   Latin  Christianity. 

Mommsen  Roman  Provinces  from  Caesar  to  Dio- 
cletian. 

Morcelli  Africa  Christiana. 

Munter    Primordia  Ecclesiae  Africanae. 

Neander Church  History.. 

Papencordt Geschichte  der  Vandaleu. 

^  Plinius     Opera. 

X^trajAXl  Joasidiuo; De  Promissioiiibus. 

^"i^-vtaL/Lvvvii yit&.  Sancti  Augustini  Episcopi. 

Procopius   Anecdota. 

„  De  Aedificiis. 

De  Bello  Vandalico. 


AUTHOll.S   AND    WORKS    QUOTED.  1^59 

Prosper   Chiv  micle. 

Prosper  Tyro Chronicle  (Canisii  Antiqiiae  Lectiones). 

Ruinart  Hi.st( )ria  Persccutionis  Vandcilorum. 

Salvian    De  Gul)ernatione  Dei. 

Smith,  Dr  W Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities. 

„  I  )icti( )nary  of  Christian  Biography. 

Theodosius Laws. 

Theophanes    Chronicle. 

Tissot,  Charles  (rcographic  comparce   de  province   ro- 

maine  d'Afrique. 

Victor  Timnonensis  Chronicle. 

Victor  Vitensis De  Persecutione  Vandalorum. 


A  useful  list  of  works  upon  Africa  is  to  be  found  in 

1 
Ashbee Bibliography  of  Tunis.  • 


I 


INDEX. 


Amaldfriihi,     marriage,      152-3 ; 

revolt  and  death,  lt)2 
Antalax,  161,  170.  173 
Army,  17,  79;  reorganization  by 

Justinian,     175-0;      Foederati 

and  Limitauei,  17 
Auiiustine,  St,  of  Hippo,  30;  op- 
position   to    Donatists,    50-1; 

58-62,  65;  death,  80-1 
Aurdsius,  Mount,  7;  captured  by 

Moors,  120;  by  Solomon,  171; 

by  Saracens,  218 

Boniface,    Bishop    of    Carthage, 

151),  177 
lioniOice,  Count  of  Africa,  71-4, 

80-1 

Caelesti><,  30 

CahiiKi,  221,  223-4 

Carthage^  captured;  by  Vandals, 
82  ;  by  13elisarius  163  ;  by 
Saracens,  221-2 

Carthiuje  Conferences,  with  Dona- 
tists, 411,  ()3-4 ;  witli  Arians, 
484,  130-4 ;  reorganization  of 
Church,  535,  177-81 

Church,  African,  origin  and  date, 
22-3  ;  characteristics,  25-6  ; 
reverence  for  saints  and  mar- 
tyrs, 38-'J  ;  growth,  27-37  ; 
clergy,  30-6;  celibacy,  33-4; 
synods,  37-8;  diocesan  svstem, 
39-42,     159-60,     181,     194-5, 


245-8;  primates,  41-2,  181, 
194-5;  relations  with  Alexan- 
dria, 24-7,  42-4,  230:  relations 
with  Rome,  23-4,  42-4.  103-4, 
196-8,  207,  234-6;  reorganiza- 
tion under  Justinian,  176-82 ; 
readmission  of  penitents,  146, 
150,  177-9 ;  monasteries  and 
Bishops,  160-1,  180;  restora- 
tion of  property,  etc.,  181 ;  pro- 
gress, 187,  191-2;  discipline  in 
time  of  Gregory  I.,  194-9; 
under  the  Saracens,  225-30; 
appeal  to  Jacobite  Patriarch  of 
Alexandria,  230 ;  appeal  to 
Rome,  234-6;  cau.ses  of  fall, 
248-55.  See  also  DnnatistA, 
Mdnicheans,  Monothelitef,  So- 
vutianii,  Pehifjians,  Three  Ouip- 
terx.  Vandal  Persecution 

''Christians  of  Tunis,''  240-2 

Circuincelliones,  48,  50,  57,  61, 
63,  83-5 

Columbus,  Bishop  in  Numidia, 
196,  198,  203 

Cyprian,  St,  Bishop  of  Carthage, 
28,  44-6,  71 

Cyrila,  Ariau  Patriarch  of  Car- 
thage, 124,  132-4 

Deoqratiag,  Bishop  of  Carthage, 

109-10 
Dominicus,  Bishop  of  Carthage, 

192,  198,  199,  202,  206 


262     THE   CHRISTIAN    CHURCHES   IN    NORTH   AFRICA. 


Donatists,  44-53 ;  political  aspect, 
47-9;  economic  and  social 
aspect, 49,  56-7  ;  excesses, 56-7, 
59;  St  Augustine's  opposition, 
50-1,  58-62,  65 ;  edicts  against, 
50,  57,  63-5 ;  conference  at 
Carthage,  411,  63-4;  downfall, 
63-6;  relations  with  Vandals, 
83-0  ;  reappearance,  200-3 ; 
effect  on  African  Christianity, 
250-3.  See  also  Circumcel- 
liones 

Enqenius,  Bishop  of  Carthage, 
123-4,  130;  exile,  139-40; 
return,  149;  death,  157 

Firmus,  49,  55 

Fvlgentuis,  St,  Bishop  of  Ruspe, 
95, 140, 148, 160  ;  monastic  life, 
150-1 ;  consecration,  155-6 ; 
exile,  157 ;  summoned  to  Car- 
thage, 157-8 

Gaiseric,  character,  77-8;  settle- 
ment of  Africa,  90-6;  con- 
spiracy against,  97 ;  expedi- 
tions, 82,  98 ;  sacks  Rome,  98- 
9;  peace  with  East  tind  West, 
101, 117 ;  policy  towards  Catho- 
lics, 101-18 ;  attitude  towards 
ol^cials,  92,  113-4, 115;  death, 
117 

Gelimer,  usurps,  162;  conquered 
by  Belisarius,  163 

Gennadius,  Praetorian  Prefect, 
190,  194-5,  201-4 

Gildo,  49,  55 

Gregory  I.,  Pope,  192-203 

Greqory  II.,  Pope,  203 

Gregory  VII.,  Pope,  234-6 

Gregory,  Prefect,  revolt  and 
death,  212-3 

Gunthamund,  14-51;  policy  to- 
wards Catholics,  149-51 

Hilderic,  158-62;  favours  Catho- 
lics, 158-9 ;  character,  161 

Hippo,  siege,  80-1 

Hunneric,  118-45  ;  hostage  at 
Rome,    81-2 ;    marriage,    99 ; 


international  relations,  119; 
religious  policy,  120-7,  136-7, 
143;  conference  at  Carthage, 
130-4;  reissues  Theodosian 
edict,  135-6;  exile  of  clergy, 
128-9,  139-40,  142;  famine 
and  pestilence,  144-5 

Intercessores,  35;  dispute  con- 
cerning limits  of  dioceses,  159- 
60,  194 

Junca,  synods,  523-4,  159-60 

Koreila,  216,  219-20 

Leo  I.,  Pope,  letter  to  Bishop  of 
Mauritania,  103-4 

Manicheans,  69-70,  122,  203-4 

Mastigas,  176 

21<tsun(t,  154 

Maximianistii,  51-2,  62 

Maximia)ius,  Bishop  of  Bagai, 
60-1 

Monasteries,  150-1  ;  relations 
with  Bishops,  160-1, 180 ;  slack 
discipline,  199 

Monothelites,  206-9 

Mont  Cassim,  monks  of,  237-8 

Moors,  origin,  5;  civilization,  9; 
religious  character,  16;  attacks 
on  Provinces,  70-4,  120,  148-9, 
153,  170-4,  190,  204;  relations 
with  Gaiseric,  85;  independent 
kingdoms  of  Masuna,  154, 
Mastigas,  176;  "Pacati,"  176; 
resist  Saracens  under  Koreila, 
216,  219-20,  Cahina,  221,  223- 
4;  join  Saracens,  224;  conver- 
sion to  Mohammedanism,  249- 
53 

Mornak,  231 

Notitia  of  Africa  under  the  Sara- 
cens, 232-3 
Nouatians,  44-6 

Pelagians,  66-8 

Province,  boundaries,  4-7;  popu- 
lation, 4-9;  insecurity,  8,  14- 


INDEX. 


203 


5;  civilization,  10-21,  32, 
168-9;  army,  17-8;  lau^'ua^'e, 
18-20;  relations  witli  Ej^.vpt, 
24-5;  government.  1<)H-<); 
reorganization  by  .Tustinian, 
170-0,  lS«)-<) ;  state  in  (lOO,  205-0 

Eeparatus,  Bisliop   of  Carthage, 

177,  182,  184 
Eopatints,  51 
Home,  sack  of,  98-9,  109-10 

SaraceuK.  Invasion  bv  Zobeir, 
642,  218-4  ;  raids,  601-M,  215  ; 
founding  of  Kairouan  by  Okba, 
60".t,  210  ;  expedition  of  Abou- 
el-Moliadjer.  672,  210;  Okba's 
march  to  Atlantic  and  death, 
081,  218-9;  Zoheir-ben-kais, 
expedition,  retreat  and  death, 
688,  219-20;  Hassan-ibu-eu- 
Noman-el-Ghassani,  097,  cap- 
ture of  Carthage,  221-2;  con- 
flict with  Cahina,  223-4; 
Mouva-ben-Noceir,  224-5  ;  ra- 
vages. 218,  220-4  ;  fate  of  Pro- 
vincials, 225-8;  fate  of  Clnis- 
tians,  229-42;  Mohammedan 
rule,  227-42 

Si'baxtiun,  82,  115 

TertuUiuu,  22,  27-8 


Thraaaviund,  151-8;  character, 
152  ;  foreign  alliances,  152-3  ; 
religious  policy,  154-8 

Tluee  CliaptiTK,  controversv  of, 
183-6 

2'ijconiuK,  51 

Vandalii,  76-167;  invasion  70-85 ; 
ravages,  85-90 ;  puritanism,  80- 
7;  settlement  of  Africa,  90-0; 
rule  of  succession,  90-7  ;  expe- 
ditions against,  H2,  lOO;  state 
under  Hunneric,  119;  under 
Thrasamund,  151-3;  fall,  103, 
109-70  ;  attitude  towards 
Catholics,  163-7 

Vaiuliil  Perm'cittion,  during  con- 
quest, 85-90;  under  triiiseric, 
101-8,  110-17;  toleration  by 
Gaiseric,  lOS-10,  117;  tolera- 
tion by  Hunneric,  120-4  ;  per- 
secution by  Hunneric,  125-44  ; 
by  (iunthamund,  149;  tolera- 
tion by  Gunthamund,  149-51; 
oi)pressions  by  Thrasamund, 
154-H;  favour  of  Hilderic.  158- 
9 ;  attitude  of  Gelimer,  102-3  ; 
summary,  163-7 

]'ictor  I'itensis,  credibility  as  an 
historian,  S«.>-90 

Zeno,  117,  123 


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